法律亚权利:权利拓展的文化背景

人们在社会实践中,不断认识和改造自然界和社会本身,对权利现象的认识是一个螺旋式的渐进过程.权利拓展背后的现象之一是法律亚权利现象的存在.在法律体系上,对待权利问题我们常常思维格式化,总是忘却习惯权利和道德权利的存在.我们的态度是惟一的,只承认国家制定法即认为国家制定法是全部的法律,不仅排斥了大量的习惯法,而且还否定了社会和文化的价值观念、伦理道德观念与国家法律的相容性.     

信息化与国家竞争力的关系——一个博弈论解释

国家竞争力由国家信息能力、国家策略能力、国家支付函数以乘和方式共同决定,即国家竞争力=国家信息能力×国家策略能力×国家支付函数.其中,国家的策略能力和支付函数在很大程度上依赖于国家的信息能力,故国家信息能力的提高往往能够带来国家竞争力的乘方倍的提高.因此,通过信息化来提升国家的信息能力,是提升国家综合竞争力的一条捷径.     

Money for our people? Decentralisation and corruption in Romania: the cases of the equalisation,infrastructure and pre‐university education funds

In spite of the attempts, in the most recent years, to introduce simple, accountable and rule‐based mechanisms governing the flows of funds for Romanian local governments (LGs) there is evidence showing that deviations from the norms are still widespread and undermine the stated goals of many policies. This article aims to explore to what extent the political factor (party affiliation, i.e. local informal power networks) interferes with the allocation of public funds as far as three main areas of decentralised policy are concerned: (i) the general purpose equalisation transfers; (ii) the Roads Fund grants and (iii) the transfers for financing the pre‐university education. These components represent a relatively large share of the local budgets and are illustrative for two important attributions Romanian LGs perform today: maintaining the local infrastructure and providing essential social services. Through a set of variables—measuring, on the one hand, the real pattern of resource allocation and on the other hand, the intensity of politicisation in the three areas—we tested the hypothesis that intergovernmental financial flows in Romania are to a large extent captured by rent‐seeking groups. It turns out that this is indeed the case with the funds for infrastructure, and much less so with the transfers financing pre‐university education. Some conclusions from these contrasting situations are drawn which reflect on the broader discussion, the link between decentralisation and corruption. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

巨额财产来源不明罪的是与非

巨额财产来源不明罪是新时期适应我国反腐败斗争形势的需要由刑法规定的一个新罪名,虽然该罪在司法实践中发挥了很大作用,但其问世后逐渐成为遭诘难最多的刑事法律条款,至今该罪的诸多方面既存在理论上的分歧,也面临实践中的考验,因此还期待立法上的进一步完善。     

特权思想和特权现象的形成及治理对策

特权思想是当前干部队伍中的毒瘤,危害党的纯洁性,腐蚀干部的思想和良知,直接影响党在人民群众中的威信,威胁国家的长治久安.只有深化体制、机制改革,加大惩治力度,积极探索科技防腐的新措施,才能有效减少特权,达到治理目的.     

“勾肩搭背”式腐败的预防及治理:官商关系的政治学思考

官商之间的"勾肩搭背"现象,表面上看来属于正常人际交往,但其实质仍然是一种腐败,具有普遍性、模糊性、隐秘性和集体性的特点。官商"勾肩搭背"现象的产生和发展,具有文化诱因、制度诱因、思想诱因和社会诱因,并且具有非常大的危害性,需要从思想和制度层面加大预防和治理的力度。     

THE ANTI-CORRUPTION STRUGGLE IN XI JINPING’S CHINA: AN ALTERNATIVE POLITICAL NARRATIVE

The fact that the extensive anti-corruption struggle that has consumed China since 2013 is highly political is widely accepted and understood. But the question is precisely what political strategy it is directed at – that of bolstering the position of the current supreme leader, Xi Jinping. Or for the preservation of the Party itself. There is a huge difference between these. The first simply means in effect the replacement of one corruptible elite by another. The second means a titanic struggle to change the Chinese communist party culture of power, and to make it enduring and sustainable.     

PAKISTAN’S CRISIS OF GOVERNANCE AND THE RESURGENCE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE SINCE AUGUST 2016

Fifteen years since joining the US-led anti-terrorism coalition, Pakistan’s response to the challenges of terroristic violence and extremist indoctrination and propaganda remain military-centric and kinetic. Since August 2016, after a brief lull, Pakistan has experienced a resurgence of terrorist activity and violence that has struck all of its provinces and placed its capital on high alert. The re-escalation in the level of terrorist violence began with the August 8, 2016, attacks in Quetta, which left over 70 dead and more than 100 injured. The lack of response from the provincial and federal governments to this carnage, led the Supreme Court of Pakistan to exercise its authority under Article 184(3) of the Constitution and establish an Inquiry Commission to examine the state of the investigation and report on the challenges faced in the struggle against terrorism and extremism. This inquiry assumed the form and substance of an audit of the performance of Pakistan’s institutions and exposed the link between the country’s crisis of governance and its incoherent response to terrorism and extremism at all levels of government. The implications of the inquiry report are both broad and deep, and reveal that Pakistan’s trajectory remains that of civilian administrative breakdown and institutional exhaustion. This indicates that Pakistan’s civilian-military balance continues to shift in structural terms in favour of the latter and that beneath a veneer of constitutional democracy, the arbitrary, unwise, and inefficient, exercise of power by the political class continues to hollow out the country’s administrative institutions.     

国内外腐败指数及其对比研究

腐败的定量刻画是近年来腐败问题研究的主流趋势。腐败指数有两种:基于企业调查报告和专家评价基础上的主观腐败指数;基于腐败统计数据的客观腐败指数。主观指数比较直观、使用广泛,但是无法克服指标的偏向型和片面性;客观指数比较严格、科学,但是计算方法复杂、可操作性差。     

对加强胜利油田惩防体系建设的思考

建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系是推进党风廉政建设的创新举措。胜利油田惩防体系建设以党的十八精神为指针，固本清源抓教育，规范权力抓监督，以查促防抓惩处，牢牢把握促进党员干部清正廉洁、保障履职安全的目标指向，为提升胜利油田党风建设和反腐倡廉工作水平，推动胜利油田打造世界一流、实现率先发展提供政治保障。