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41.
云南回族突出的抗争历史现象是由其强烈的抗争意识所驱动的.强烈抗争意识的形成同回族坎坷的历史命运紧密连在一起,既有主位的原因,也有客位的根源,归根到底是封建统治条件下民族歧视和民族压迫的结果.社会主义制度的建立,从根本上铲除了民族歧视和民族压迫的制度根源,然而,历史所造成并遗留下的民族隔阂乃至民族歧视的现象不可能在短时期内彻底消除,历史形成的各民族特殊的民族意识、民族心理、民族认知习惯等文化心理因素仍以相对稳定的形式影响着人们的生存方式和各民族间的交往关系.因此,回族的抗争历史现象仍在一定程度上存在并表现出来.分析其中原因,正视和解决存在的问题,有利于民族的团结、进步和发展. 相似文献
42.
Nicolás Iñigo Carerra & María Celia Cotarelo 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2003,22(2):201-213
Since the mid 1970s, Argentine society has gone through a period characterised as counterrevolutionary. The conservative social forces, led by the financial oligarchy, seized power and government by means of the coup d'état of 1976, and imposed an economic and social policy towards the working class, based on wage cuts and a lengthening of the working day. When the military governments were replaced by civilian ones, physical coercion was replaced by economic coercion, through market laws with unemployment and wage cuts reaching unprecedented levels. Although the popular forces were weakened by the unfavourable development of social struggles since the mid–1970s, during the 1990s government policies were confronted by the people through different forms of struggle.
This article presents the results of research on the different forms of social struggle carried out by the working class and other popular classes since the end of the 1980s until today. It aims to conceptualise the forms of rebellion (foot riot, riot, strikes and roadblocks), to determine the different moments of social struggle and the likely trends of its development. 相似文献
This article presents the results of research on the different forms of social struggle carried out by the working class and other popular classes since the end of the 1980s until today. It aims to conceptualise the forms of rebellion (foot riot, riot, strikes and roadblocks), to determine the different moments of social struggle and the likely trends of its development. 相似文献
43.
易帜后蒋张在东北地方政权上的合作与争斗 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
东北易帜后到九一八事变前,蒋介石南京政府对东北地方政权的机构、体制、人事等方面谋求染指和控制。张学良东北集团一方面适应南京政府的“统一”政策,对东北政权进行了某些改革;另一方面,将政权牢牢掌握在自己手中,对南京的渗透、控制予以防范和抵制,并伺机加以扩展。二者在政权关系上总体是合作,也不乏明争暗斗。从本质上说是统治阶级内部中央集团和地方集团在利益、权力上的分配与争夺。 相似文献
44.
Paul Joosse 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(1):52-78
“Leaderless resistance” and “lone wolf terrorism” are concepts that have steadily gained importance in the study of oppositional subcultures and terrorist groups, being used to describe the operational realities of a variety of terrorisms, from groups like Al Qaeda to Anders Breivik. In this article, I seek to describe leaderless resistance as a rhetorical construct, a meaning-conferring “ideology of effervescence” that lifts the spirits of both movement progenitors who advocate the strategy as well as incipient lone wolves who consider responding to their exhortations. Through an examination of the case of Wiebo Ludwig and the EnCana pipeline bombings of 2008–2009, I show how these rhetorics emerge in the interactions between activists and their political enemies. With this conception, we can (a) understand more fully the discursive/rhetorical dynamics involved in asymmetrical struggle, (b) problematize the acceptance of the organizational reality of leaderless resistance in the terrorism literature, and (c) question the assertion of some terrorism scholarship that refers to leaderless resistance and other ideologies of effervescence as hallmarks of the “new terrorism.” 相似文献
45.
在“一带一路”倡议中,非洲国家不可或缺。非洲国家工会的发展可以分为 3 个阶段,即殖民
时期、独立运动后初期及政治民主化转型时期。非洲工会发展与政治斗争密不可分,这也决定了其社会运动工
会主义的“激进”特性。现在非洲工会力量普遍薄弱,一方面是由于经济自由化导致了正式经济中的大量失业
和工会成员人数的急剧下降,另一方面是因为许多非洲国家政府对劳动法的改革,在承认工会合法地位的同时
又极大限制了工会行动。虽然非洲工会在劳动雇佣管制中的作用有限,但是当发生严重侵犯工人权利的行为时,
非洲工会仍然会通过组织工人罢工、静坐等形式来进行反抗。研究建议,对于在非投资的中资企业来说,要更
加关注东道国的工会运行情况,充分尊重员工的权利,加强与工会的沟通,提升员工的归属感。 相似文献
46.
Gavin Robert Walker 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(2):175-190
With 3 million people receiving anti-retroviral therapies (ARV) in South Africa, it has the largest public ARV programme in the world. The implementation of this programme was made possible by the efforts of AIDS advocacy groups that lobbied the government to make ARV available. Chief among these was the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC). The group mobilised South Africans across socio-economic and racial lines against the AIDS denial of key members of the African National Congress (ANC). Through interviews with TAC members and ethnographic accounts of ©current activism, this paper examines song as a method of mobilisation against HIV/AIDS-related injustices. As instrumental components of the liberation struggle, songs have become ubiqioutus within protest action, as demonstrated by the recent hashtag student movements. By utilising similar forms of rights-based activism found in the country's liberation struggle, TAC is able to tap into reservoirs of emotional potential rooted in political struggle. 相似文献
47.
袁翠红 《中共郑州市委党校学报》2006,3(4):11-13
从1956年开始,毛泽东鉴于苏联的经验教训,开始探索一条适合中国情况的社会主义建设道路。在探索过程中,提出了许多有价值的思想,取得了不少成就,但从1957年开始,其探索发生了逆转。 相似文献
48.
刘尚希 《中国延安干部学院学报》2010,(6):35-39,28
艰苦奋斗,是一种精神品格,不仅仅是个人的修养,而且是民族的灵魂,是国家发展的动力之源。对于已经从革命党转变为执政党的中国共产党来说,艰苦奋斗是提高执政能力的基础。艰苦奋斗的精神能不能在新的历史时期继续发扬光大,关系到执政党的生死存亡。 相似文献
49.
顾红亮 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2009,2(6):35-40
在井冈山斗争时期,毛泽东批评的"个人主义"有特殊的含义,他主要从个人的消极思想态度这个角度来理解"个人主义",这既不同于胡适主张的健全的个人主义,也不同于西方政治哲学中的个人主义。毛泽东对"个人主义"的批评是有特殊的历史背景的,需要放到井冈山革命道路的探索过程中加以理解。他对"个人主义"的认识为后来在价值观领域批判自私自利的"个人主义"、极端的"个人主义"起了一定的作用。毛泽东对个人消极思想态度和个人利益至上论的批评在今天仍有现实意义。 相似文献
50.
范国盛 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2012,(2):49-54
井冈山时期的群众教育内容丰富,形式多样,但主要以革命教育为主。将革命教育作为群众教育的核心内容,既有资产阶级革命派对革命教育高度重视的示范因素的影响,又有马克思主义对革命教育认识的方法论因素的影响,更重要的是井冈山时期艰苦斗争的现实因素所造就。通过革命教育,共产党宣传了自己,发动了群众,壮大了队伍,瓦解了敌军,井冈山革命根据地得到了巩固和发展。 相似文献