首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   127篇
  免费   0篇
各国政治   4篇
工人农民   7篇
世界政治   15篇
外交国际关系   10篇
法律   48篇
中国政治   12篇
政治理论   20篇
综合类   11篇
  2023年   1篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   9篇
  2017年   10篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   5篇
  2014年   6篇
  2013年   16篇
  2012年   9篇
  2011年   14篇
  2010年   7篇
  2009年   3篇
  2008年   6篇
  2007年   3篇
  2006年   4篇
  2005年   7篇
  2004年   4篇
  2003年   2篇
  2002年   1篇
  2001年   1篇
  2000年   1篇
  1999年   2篇
  1995年   1篇
  1992年   1篇
排序方式: 共有127条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
    
This paper presents a theory that predicts under what circumstances self-interested politicians ‘bureaucratise’ their administrations, in the sense that they delegate the powers to hire, fire and promote public employees to autonomous bodies (like civil service commissions). The main testable proposition is that, in polities with a higher concentration of powers, politicians will bureaucratise their administrations to overcome time inconsistency problems in their relationships with public employees. This prediction is tested with data drawn from US municipalities, where two main types of local governments co-exist: mayor-council and council-manager. Results show that municipal governments with a higher concentration of powers (i.e. mayor-council) tend to have more bureaucratised administrations.  相似文献   
102.
    
As “music of commitment,” in the period from the late 1970s to the late 1980s rock music in Yugoslavia had an important purpose of providing a popular-cultural outlet for the unique forms of socio-cultural critique that engaged with the realities and problems of Yugoslav society. The three “music movements” that embodied the new rock’n’roll spirit – New Wave, New Primitives, and New Partisans – used rock music to critique the country's “new socialist culture,” with the purpose of helping to eliminate the disconnect between the ideal and the reality of socialist Yugoslavia. This paper examines the New Partisans as the most radical expression of music of commitment through the works of its most important rock bands: Bijelo dugme, Plavi orkestar, and Merlin. The paper's argument is that the New Partisans' socio-cultural engagement, animated by advocacy of Yugoslavism, was a counter-logic to the nationalist dissolution of a distinctly Yugoslav fabric of a socialist community in crisis. Thus, the movement's revolutionary “spirit of reconstruction” permeating its “poetics of the patriotic” was a mechanism of socio-cultural resistance to political, cultural and moral-ethical de-Yugoslavization of Yugoslav society. Its ultimate objective was to make the case that the only way into the future – if there was to be any – rested on strategic reanimation of the Partisan revolutionary past as the only viable socio-cultural foundation of the Yugoslav socialist community.  相似文献   
103.
我国高等教育领域编内人员和编外人员在职位晋升、薪酬福利水平等方面存在巨大差异,引发编外人员心里落差大,组织承诺低等问题。为了解高校编外人员的工作状况,以北京大学校本部全体劳动合同制员工为调查总体,采用组织承诺量表进行测量。研究结果表明:合同制员工的感情承诺分值最高,规范承诺其次,继续承诺最低;员工自身的市场竞争力和组织对员工的支持程度对员工的组织承诺具有显著性影响;有效的沟通、公平性和对部门领导者的认同程度可能影响员工的组织承诺。通过实证研究发现,除了员工自身的市场竞争力,组织支持是影响员工组织承诺重要的因素。  相似文献   
104.
Does religious commitment have a common political impact across national frontiers? To date, that question has been explored empirically only for Roman Catholics, who might be expected to behave similarly because of centralizing resources in their tradition. This article explores the extent of transnational political attitudes among Jews in the United States and Israel, two groups with less centralized authority structures and radically different religious situations. Parallel surveys of Jews in the United States and Israel, analyzed by OLS regression with the slope dummy approach, indicate that Jewish religiosity has a common influence on most political issues but often has much sharper effects in one society than the other. Given our expectation that Jews would exhibit lower levels of transnational similarity than Roman Catholics, the findings reinforce scholars who perceive religion as a potent transnational political factor.  相似文献   
105.
Council officers as public managers are expected to work for the community. Yet, it has been argued that council officers working under a politicised employment relationship are likely to be more committed to the elected councillors than to the community. This proposition has been examined through a survey of senior council officers across Australia and the results are presented in this article. This study develops an analytical approach which combines for the first time the multi-focus and the multiple bases of managerial commitment approaches, applies this to the case of Australian local government managers and finds that although most senior council officers perceive that their employment is politicised they remain committed to the community. Based upon these findings, it is argued that a conceptual framework utilising a combined multi-focus and multiple bases approach is more appropriate to the study of commitment of local government managers and to managers in the public sector in general than the use of either approach alone.  相似文献   
106.
行为人产生出卖目的的时间对于收买被拐卖妇女、儿童罪转化犯的认定具有重要作用.刑法对本罪除罪事由的规定具有合理性,同时,基于收买对象是妇女还是儿童的差异,对本罪除罪事由也应作不同理解.被害人承诺在符合一定条件的情况下,可以免除收买人的刑事责任.在罪数形态上,收买者同时实施了教唆、帮助拐卖行为的,构成牵连犯,应从一重处断;在构成本罪转化犯的情况下,行为人又实施了非法拘禁、虐待、强奸等行为的,不能实行数罪并罚,应以拐卖妇女、儿童罪一罪论处.  相似文献   
107.
We analyze the impact of public commitment strategies as bargaining tools in the negotiations on the EU Constitutional Treaty using a sequential-bargaining model with incomplete information. The analysis suggests selection bias in observable public commitments with respect to the kind of issues that are publicly challenged as well as the kind of governments that will ‘go public’. Public commitments are more likely under high uncertainty over audience costs. Further, the effect of public commitments on the duration and outcome of negotiation is conditional as well. In our empirical analysis, where we analyze the intergovernmental stage of the negotiations on the European Constitutional Treaty, we find strong empirical support for each of our theoretical predictions. Governments were most likely to commit publicly if they represented a domestic constituency that was negative about the EU Constitution and, at the same time, contained many undecided respondents. Moreover, these public commitments were generally quickly accommodated. In contrast, public commitments were less likely to lead to any changes if they were made by governments representing a domestic constituency that was relatively positive about the draft Constitution or negative and decided. In the latter case, however, public statements made bargaining deadlock more likely.
Hartmut LenzEmail:
  相似文献   
108.
司法承诺规则在侦查讯问中发挥着重要作用。侦查讯问有很强的对抗特征,较量的双方必然要采取一定的手段,这种思维的对抗具有博弈性。司法承诺规则能够保证犯罪嫌疑人得到某种利益,使犯罪嫌疑人自愿同司法机关协作,从而有效地降低侦查成本,提高侦查效率。文章在对司法承诺规则作详细介绍的基础上,从实体法和程序法两方面对其进行了构建,以实现侦查讯问中司法承诺的法治化,从而更好地指导实践工作。  相似文献   
109.
质量信息的模糊性、专业人才培养目标的可实现性,以及高等教育质量评价的可信性是高等教育质量理论与实践研究的关键。本文采用系统属性协同对比方法,提出了高等教育可信质量的概念,并建立了高等教育可信质量评价体系。研究表明,高等教育人才培养的一般质量是一种有用性质量;专门人才培养质量是一种性能质量;专门合格人才培养质量是一种效能质量。可信质量的意义在于将教育质量的性能转换为教育质量的效能,从而实现了高等教育人才培养多目标协同目的。通过对公安高等教育的实际应用分析,得出我国公安高等教育可信质量为一般水平,必须改进教育模式、进行专业结构的优化设计,才能从根本上提高公安高等教育的可信质量,从而加快公安高等教育的发展。  相似文献   
110.
The Kansas v. Hendricks (1997) decision, in which the Supreme Court authorized post-sentence civil commitment for certain sex offenders, appeared to be constitutionally legitimized by limiting the class of offenders eligible for this special form of civil commitment to those who are "unable to control" their dangerousness. Nowhere in the available record, however, did the Court elucidate what they meant by this notion of volitional impairment. This study sought to examine factors that legal professionals (n=43), psychologists (n=40), and mock jurors (n=76) deem most relevant to a determination of sex offender volitional impairment. Participants, who were randomly assigned to a sexual predator commitment or an insanity hearing context, read a series of 16 vignettes that described a pedophilic offender and included combinations of variables hypothesized to be related to judgments of volitional impairment. Results suggested that participants, who as a group made remarkably high estimates of likelihood of future sexual violence, considered verbalization of control, history of sexual violence, and the context of the hearing as highly relevant to determinations of volitional impairment. Implications for policy and practice are explored.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号