关怀型伦理环境对员工亲组织非伦理行为的影响 —— 基于医药企业的调查

工作场所中的员工亲组织非伦理行为违背了社会伦理准则,但其亲组织性却可以促进组织获取利益,综合而言,该行为兼具了利己与利他动机。基于情感事件理论框架,构建以情感承诺为中介,以积极情绪为调节的中介模型,检验关怀型伦理环境对员工亲组织非伦理行为影响的内在机制。收集来自北京和哈尔滨6家医药企业的调研数据,运用多层次线性回归分析和验证性因素分析法进行实证分析。研究结果表明,关怀型伦理环境对员工的亲组织非伦理行为具有显著的正向影响;情感承诺在关怀型伦理环境与亲组织非伦理行为的关系中发挥部分中介作用;积极情绪在关怀型伦理环境与情感承诺的关系中发挥正向调节作用;积极情绪在情感承诺与亲组织非伦理行为的关系中发挥正向调节作用。     

浅议虚报注册资本罪客观方面的几个问题

虚报注册资本罪的设立对维护社会主义市场经济的发展十分有利,但司法解释对于法条中的若干问题尚未作出规定,学理解释也意见各异,笔者对此提出了自己的观点。     

公共服务动机:测量、比较与影响——基于福建省样本数据的分析

本研究采用直接测量法建立公共服务动机(Public Service Motivation,缩写PSM)测量量表,并选取福建省的部分政府部门、事业单位、社会团体与企业单位工作人员进行测量。通过对337个有效样本进行研究,揭示PSM水平及其与人口统计变量、组织角色、组织承诺等因素的关系;研究发现,基于中国文化背景的PSM总体上处于中等水平以上,第三部门PSM均值最高,PSM是服务取向而非部门取向,男性PSM略高于女性,PSM与组织承诺成正相关等。文章进一步提出PSM如何演化、PSM如何受情境影响等一些尚待研究的问题。可以将PSM运用于公共部门人才遴选、培养与使用,可以人本而又高效地提升公共部门绩效。     

Core self-evaluations in the military context： Relative effects on job satisfaction and organizational commitment

This study validates the construct of core self-evaluations （CSE） and examines the relationship of CSE with global job satisfaction and organizational commitment in the military context. Analytical results from 114 sergeants in the military school are summarized as follows： （1） Analytical results validate the convergent and discriminant validity of the constructs; （2） CSE has significant positive relationships with global job satisfaction and organizational commitment. This study provides practical implications for management in both business and military organizations and suggestions for future studies.     

Rethinking the Relationship between Religion and Political Tolerance in the US

While there has been numerous empirical works on political tolerance in the United States, many of these studies have not: addressed the role of religion, used adequate measures of religion, incorporated advances in the measurement of political tolerance, and/or included all the psychological and political predictors of political tolerance. Correcting these deficiencies, I present and test a religious model of political tolerance utilizing structural equation modeling. I find that the negative relationship typically demonstrated between both religious commitment and doctrinal orthodoxy to political tolerance does not manifest and that religion is insignificant vis-à-vis political and psychological determinants of political tolerance.

担当:一种科层运作的效能转化工具

以形式理性著称的理性官僚制理论上并没有担当的价值空间,但当代中国科层制处于传统、现代、后现代交织的社会转型之中,处于从历史官僚制向理性官僚制对接的转型时期,有必要继承传统伦理精粹,发扬使命型政党的红色力量,以担当的价值理性驾驭官僚机器的形式理性,发挥国家治理制度优势,实现国家治理效能.这就需要实现政策民主化与政策科学化...     

员工对工会的职能感知加深对工会凝聚力的影响 —— 中国情景中的权力距离调节作用

近年来中国工会通过强化维权职能、改革组织结构、组织工会活动等一系列措施以解决工会“四 化”问题,目标在于提升工会对员工的凝聚力和员工对工会的归属感,这一路径在理论上已达成共识,但在实 践中还需要更多的验证。本研究通过对 142 家企业和 2457 名员工的问卷调研,基于社会交换理论,探究中国情 境中员工对工会的职能感知加深从而提升工会凝聚力的路径机理。研究结果表明：在工会的深入改革中,员工 认识到工会对自己的权益保护功能（工会职能感知）的确能提升对工会的归属感和认同感（工会承诺）,且通 过组织工会活动提高员工对工会的参与度（工会参与）,进而加强了工会凝聚力。同时,如果企业的管理层级多、 上下级沟通不畅（即企业与员工的权力距离大）,反而会促进员工更积极参与到工会建设中,希望工会为自己代言, 从而提升工会吸引力、凝聚力、战斗力。     

Judicial independence and state-business relations: the case of Taiwan’s ordinary courts

The question of how ordinary courts in new and emerging democracies may gain judicial independence remains an understudied subject compared to its constitutional court counterpart. Through a case study of Taiwan, this article adopts and expands upon the concept of power diffusion from the extant literature, arguing that the growing power of Taiwan’s private corporate sector led the dominant political party Kuomintang (KMT) to grant independence to the ordinary courts as a means to check against this threat, because the excessive rent-seeking and corruption brought about by these empowered corporations were threatening the nation’s successful economic model and its rule of law. Also, due to the corporate sector’s growing influence on the ruling party itself, the KMT leadership had to devise strategies that can credibly commit to ordinary court independence, which would otherwise be reversed thereafter. This unique implication guides a qualitative empirical analysis that reinterprets the historical events surrounding the judicial reforms that took place in the mid-1990s. The results yield strong evidence in support of the theory.     

Give them toys? Military allocations and regime stability in transitional democracies

In contrast to the conventional wisdom that democratization reduces coups, 46% of coups targeted democracies from 2000–2009, twice the rate seen in the prior half-century. Efforts to explain coups have arrived at wildly varied conclusions regarding the vulnerability of democracies. We argue that this is attributable to regime type acting as a conditional influence. We theorize that democratization incentivizes old elites to veto the process, and these vetoes are more likely to occur when the new regime cannot credibly commit to the military’s corporate interests. Using cross-national data for 172 states for the years 1952–2009, we find that though young democracies are more vulnerable to coups than either civilian authoritarian regimes or older democracies, this vulnerability is mitigated when military expenditures are near or above the sample mean. We also find that commonly argued determinants of coups appear to be driven by their influence in democracies, suggesting the need for scholars to revisit commonly held assumptions regarding autocratic survival.