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71.
农村居民融资法律问题研究——以福建农村“标会”为视角 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
罗仁冰 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2011,10(5):68-71
标会是一种具有悠久历史的民间信用融资行为,广泛流行于我国东南沿海地带,农村地区尤其盛行。一方面,标会具有为农村居民筹措资金和赚取利息的双重功能;另一方面,由于管控难度大,标会也容易造成破坏农村金融秩序等不良后果。当前,我国应当尽快设立有关标会的法律规范,加快农村金融体制改革的进程。 相似文献
72.
何靖 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2010,1(2):50-57
与已有的债务期限结构的研究潜在的假设企业管理者和股东利益完全一致不同,本文基于股权集中和股权制衡对二者利益一致性的影响,在杠杆率和债务期限内生的假定条件下,通过对分别以"债务期限"和"债务杠杆"为因变量的联立方程模型进行2SLS检验,运用中国上市公司的数据样本来研究股权集中度和股权制衡度对债务期限结构的影响。本文的研究不仅是对债务期限结构研究的有利补充,也为我们从公司治理角度思考上市公司的资本结构选择提供了经验证据。 相似文献
73.
Andreas Ufen 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):558-563
ABSTRACTThe three articles in this themed collection investigate the interplay between political finance regimes and the quality of democracy in Southeast Asia. Andreas Ufen's piece on political finance in Malaysia and Singapore argues that the semi-authoritarian regimes in both states have blocked the reform of campaign and party funding regulations in order to keep their opposition in check. The article on Indonesia, authored by Marcus Mietzner, showcases the country's dysfunctional political finance system as a major hurdle toward further democratization. In their contribution on Thailand, Napisa Waitoolkiat and Paul Chambers show that weak political finance regulations have contributed significantly to the shallowness of Thai parties. Overall, the collection demonstrates that without meaningful political finance reforms, Southeast Asia's democratic stagnation is likely to persist for many years to come. 相似文献
74.
Nathanael Ojong 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(9):1730-1749
AbstractThis article seeks to analyse the informal borrowing sources of the poor as well as the purposes for borrowing. The obsession on characterising the poor as financially excluded fails to grasp their active financial lives. This article emphasises how relations of credit/debt are rooted in complex social and cultural forces. It is precisely because of the social embeddedness of credit that family finance, though interest-free, is not a first resort. Similarly, credit in kind from shopkeepers, though critical to consumption smoothing, is detested by some people. Also, it is argued that the involvement of the traditional leader in repayment enforcement in informal financial groups challenges the economistic narrative that attempts to separate credit from cultural norms. 相似文献
75.
杨洋 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2013,28(3):95-101
银监会将商业银行理财产品的法律性质定位为委托代理关系,但是实践中商业银行理财产品的运作方式与传统的委托代理关系相差甚远,那么商业银行理财产品的法律性质究竟为何?本文在对商业银行理财产品不同类别进行区分的基础上,对其法律性质分别予以了论述。 相似文献
76.
Vassilis K. Fouskas 《The Political quarterly》2013,84(1):132-138
The sovereign debt crisis in Greece and other periphery countries is a yardstick for the viability of the European project: if Greece defaults and exits the Euro‐zone, then the entire European architecture will be questioned. This article examines the origins of the Greek debt crisis and argues that the key sources of the debt are the economic and political factions that have dominated Greek politics since the fall of the Colonels in summer 1974 amidst the Cyprus calamity. These factions (political parties, comprador economic interests etc.), whose policy actions and preferences are amalgamated with the interests of Euro‐Atlantic elites, are now being severely undermined, both politically and economically, as the prosperity of the Greek middle classes is eroded following two years of harsh austerity measures imposed on the Greek ruling factions by those Euro‐Atlantic elites. Furthermore, this article outlines ways out of the Greek debt crisis, putting into test some reasonable policy proposals that are being widely discussed in Greece and abroad. 相似文献
77.
Photis Lysandrou 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):521-542
AbstractTwo propositions underpin the retreat from post-crisis fiscal expansion instituted by several G7 governments in the summer of 2010. One is that the threat of debt intolerance is general: the reasoning is that the sharp rise in government debt levels caused by post-crisis fiscal expansion will force investors to abandon government bonds in favour of some other asset class. The other proposition is that there is a one-size debt threshold: the reasoning is that no government, those of the G7 countries included, can escape the serious consequences of debt intolerance and the threat of exit should its debt to GDP ratio reach 90 per cent. This paper argues that neither of these propositions can have credibility at a time of continuing global economic slowdown and consequent contraction in the global supplies of investable assets. At such a time investors cannot possibly hold up the threat of intolerance to core economy governments because they have no choice but to store substantial portions of their wealth in the latter's bonds, a fact which in turn means that the debt thresholds for core economy governments cannot possibly be the same as the average for other governments. 相似文献
78.
Pamela Blackmon 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(8):1423-1440
Programmes designed to alleviate developing country debt have been implemented by bilateral, commercial and multilateral creditors and sovereign debt has been restructured under Paris Club negotiations. These strategies have not been very successful at reducing the debt levels of developing countries, in part because they continue to receive export credit insurance facilities through export credit agencies (ecas). The purpose of this paper is to examine the high percentages of developing country debt owed to governmental ecas. Analysis of the external debt of low-income and lower middle-income economies at five year intervals from 1980 to 2010 finds a substantial part of the indebtedness of these economies is held by ecas. Analysis of specific sub-Saharan African countries undergoing debt rescheduling and forgiveness through Paris Club negotiations was done for Ghana and Kenya. These results show that, following debt restructuring, new export credit guarantees and/or loans were forthcoming to these countries from the ecas of the creditor countries that rescheduled their old debt in Paris Club negotiations during 2000–12. 相似文献
79.
The literature provides both theories and empirical assessments that link national electoral cycles and opportunistic incumbents' behaviour. However, at the subnational level the literature is scarce. Using a panel of 238 Spanish municipalities over the period 1992–2005, this paper investigates for the first time in Spain whether electoral events contribute to shape municipal debt policies. We show that the electoral cycle influences the municipal debt per capita. Furthermore, both weak (no-majority) and wealthier municipal governments have higher levels of debt per capita. Finally, our data show that the 2001 Spanish Budgetary Stability Law (stemming from the European Stability and Growth Pact) appears to have reduced the electoral effect on municipal debt per capita. 相似文献
80.
Jeremy Hexham 《Communicatio》2013,39(3):305-318
AbstractThe article analyses the American ‘Christian’ television talk show, the 700 Club, created by Pat Robertson. It suggests that Robertson has developed a sophisticated form of programming based on the creation of a participatory identity between the viewer, programme hosts and interviewees. This is based on the skilful combination of rhetoric and myths, understood in terms of narrative paradigms, supported by the active involvement of worldwide church-based support networks. 相似文献