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911.
社会主义本质理论蕴含着丰富而又深刻的唯物史观,突出了生产力是最终决定力量的历史唯物主义观点;强调了以人为本的历史唯物主义思想;贯彻了物质文明和精神文明两方面有机统一的历史唯物主义原理。 相似文献
912.
宋扬 《山西省政法管理干部学院学报》2009,22(3):28-30
犯罪构成理论是定罪判刑的理论依据。厘清犯罪构成的相关理论,对司法实践起着至关重要的作用。犯罪客体是我国刑法犯罪构成理论不可缺少的一部分,犯罪构成理论的重构应结合自身的实际而不应当照搬。 相似文献
913.
914.
技术入股制度的比较法考察 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
鉴于工业技术的快速发展和产品生命周期的迅速变化,人类所制定之法制方式一再被挑战,同时各国之科技及各国公司间之技术差异日益扩大。技术入股制度可以鼓励技术提供者与技术需求者之间的合作,以创造公司之最大利益。立法单位为寻求技术入股制度相关理论基础,可参酌其它国家相关法律实证经验,迅速且正确地规范其执行问题,以为企业对技术出资运用方式之依据。此外,亦可提供一套使公司具有国内外竞争力的资本理论,评估其在中国市场经济运用的可能性及其对内资企业竞争能量提升的需求,并加速中国科技建设的步伐,以培育世界一流企业。 相似文献
915.
中国行政法的孕育、诞生和成长是与中国78年改革开放以来的社会转型时期紧密结合的,在这一转型时期所具备的政治、经济、文化、社会因素为中国行政法的诞生和成长提供了适当的环境。行政法从诞生以来就表现出顽强的生命力,并因其多元化的存在态势而令学界侧目。 相似文献
916.
Nora von Ingersleben-Seip 《政策研究评论》2023,40(5):781-810
Efforts to set standards for artificial intelligence (AI) reveal striking patterns: technical experts hailing from geopolitical rivals, such as the United States and China, readily collaborate on technical AI standards within transnational standard-setting organizations, whereas governments are much less willing to collaborate on global ethical AI standards within international organizations. Whether competition or cooperation prevails can be explained by three variables: the actors that make up the membership of the standard-setting organization, the issues on which the organization's standard-setting efforts focus, and the “games” actors play when trying to set standards within a particular type of organization. A preliminary empirical analysis provides support for the contention that actors, issues, and games affect the prospects for cooperation on global AI standards. It matters because shared standards are vital for achieving truly global frameworks for the governance of AI. Such global frameworks, in turn, lower transaction costs and the probability that the world will witness the emergence of AI systems that threaten human rights and fundamental freedoms. 相似文献
917.
As trade wars and protectionism again present severe challenges and obstructions to international economic regulatory organizations (IEROs), it is timely to ask how their predecessors survived the last deep deglobalization of the interwar years. This article presents a fresh neo-Durkheimian institutional explanation. It highlights contrasting pathways to survival and bequest of IEROs in three fields of regulation – international infrastructure, capital and labor, and commodities. Our explanation shows that functional imperatives and short-term market pressures in these different areas of regulation facilitated specific forms of social organization within IEROs (such as hierarchy or individualistic brokering). These contrasting forms of social organization cultivated distinct regulatory styles during deglobalization and cultivated capacities for contrasting survival and bequest strategies. Our approach is thus able to account for variation in pathways to survival in a way that other possible explanations, such as theories of regulatory capture or bureaucratic autonomy, cannot. 相似文献
918.
Gunnar Grendstad 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2001,3(1):5-29
The five Nordic countries converged remarkably when developing domestic institutions, but they diverged significantly when developing foreign policies. Grid-group theory prescribes four contending cultures—hierarchy, egalitarianism, individualism, and fatalism—and offers a basis for understanding the structure of political coalitions and conflicts. Surveys from the five Nordic countries measuring cultural baselines are used to estimate the degree of convergence and divergence. The countries converge with reference to high agreement with egalitarianism, individualism, and hierarchy, and disagreement with fatalism. This concords with the historically strong regime of social democracy in this region. The five countries diverge with reference to their foreign policy in that they polarize along two dimensions. To the east, there is increasing fatalism associated with countries not being members of NATO; to the north, there is increasing egalitarianism associated with countries not being members of the European Union. Given the importance of popular support through referenda, an eventual accession of Norway and Iceland to the EU cannot happen unless egalitarianism diminishes among their publics. 相似文献
919.
920.