全文获取类型
收费全文 | 196篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 11篇 |
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 10篇 |
外交国际关系 | 14篇 |
法律 | 34篇 |
中国共产党 | 12篇 |
中国政治 | 39篇 |
政治理论 | 35篇 |
综合类 | 43篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 11篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 3篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 28篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 14篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 11篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有202条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
Claudia Schatan Liliana Castilleja 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(2):109-135
The electronic sector, in particular, the computing industry, has become an increasing concern because of the environmental
impact of its products throughout their life cycle. The United States, Europe and Japan as the greatest consumers of electronic
goods have given special attention to this issue. The fast computer obsolescence and its difficult confinement, because of
the hazardous substances contained, have required a special effort of technical innovation. Nevertheless, this effort seems
to respond mainly to the standards required by the countries in which these goods are produced, consumed and confined, which
are radically different in developed and developing countries. Though an important part of the production process (assembling)
is done in developing countries, little attention has been paid to the environmental quality at this production stage. This
study examines the environmental problems and strategy of the electronic assembly industry in the three northern border cities
of Mexico. Almost half of 200 electronic maquiladora enterprises surveyed had not undertaken any active environmental policy
and there was a limited environmental standards enforcement. Evidence was found that the firms that had operated for a longer
period of time had better chances of taking better care of the environment. Environmental firm policies became weaker as one
descended from the head office to the subsidiaries and then to their suppliers. It is also found that some transnational corporations
operate with double standards in Mexico and thus strong national policies on environmental standards in Mexico are required
to change this practice.
相似文献
Claudia SchatanEmail: |
32.
超大城市经济增长模式的内涵应该包括经济增长驱动力、资源配置方式、资源利用效率和环境支撑力以及超大城市与周边地区关系四个部分。促使超大城市经济增长模式发展变化的主要影响因素可以概括为三个方面,历史沿革、发展现状和功能定位。而对于超大城市经济增长模式的评价体系,主要来自于三个视角:包括经济增长的实效、经济增长的潜力以及经济增长的可持续性。 相似文献
33.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):512-528
By 2050, two thirds of the world's population will live in cities, and the greatest growth in urban populations will take place in the least developed countries. This presents many governments with considerable challenges related to urban governance and the provision of services and opportunities to a burgeoning urban population. In the current article, we use a new event dataset on city-level urban social disorder, drawing upon prominent theories in the conflict literature. The dataset spans the 1960–2009 period, covering 55 major cities in Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa and includes data on nonviolent actions such as demonstrations and strikes and violent political actions like riots, terrorism, and armed conflict. We find that urban social disorder is associated in particular with low economic growth rates and hybrid democratic regimes, while level of development, economic inequality, large youth bulges, and economic globalization do not seem to affect levels of urban social disorder. 相似文献
34.
Ulrike Niens 《Citizenship Studies》2013,17(1):128-141
This article aimed to investigate in what ways teachers' developing understandings of citizenship education in a divided society reflect discourses around national citizenship and controversial issues. Based on thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with 13 post-primary teachers in Northern Ireland undertaking an in-service programme in citizenship, findings indicate that the controversial nature of past conflict maintains its sensitivity in the educational context though other categories of potential exclusion, such as race and sexuality, compete for space in educational discourse and teaching. Few teachers used controversial issues identified as challenging hegemonic beliefs as an opportunity for role modelling citizenship. However, teachers rarely explored the complex interlinkages between traditional and alternative categories of exclusion. It is argued that this may render teachers' understandings of citizenship and societal conflict disconnected, which in turn may hinder the potential for citizenship education to address societal divisions and to promote active peace in the long term. 相似文献
35.
Wilfried Swenden 《Regional & Federal Studies》2013,23(3):369-382
This article summarizes the main arguments of the special issue. It also probes into the deficiencies of the Belgian federal system and argues that the most recent crisis of Belgian federalism (2007–11) is not the result of rising socio-economic differences between Flanders and Wallonia, but the consequence of building a bipolar federation on to a split party system. The article concludes by identifying some potential roadmaps (federal reform, confederalism, and the referendum) for the future. 相似文献
36.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(4):492-513
This article explores the use of political memory in examining, and providing indicators for, everyday processes of peacebuilding in divided societies, using Northern Ireland as a brief case study. Adopting a position critical of many formal peacebuilding indicators, the article argues for the utility of informal, ‘high resolution’ indicators that can be supplied by examining localized and everyday forms of post-conflict memory. In so doing, the article views the ‘dealing with the past’ and reconciliatory paradigm of social memory in identity driven conflicts as being inadequate for this purpose, and instead posits a more nuanced form of examining memory as a political arena. A case study of political memory in east Belfast is introduced to illustrate both the need for nuance in highlighting localized activity, and need to better reflect a complex and ambiguous peacebuilding environment. Suggestions for methodological approaches geared to capturing processes of everyday political memory, and how these processes can inform praxis, concludes the study. 相似文献
37.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(3):323-344
Abstract Drawing from the literature on conflict regulation and other plural society theories, this paper provides a framework of analysis to explore the dynamics involved in the external statebuilding process in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The analysis is based on a three-level framework whereby patterns of conflict regulation are analyzed at the inter- and intra-ethnic levels, as well as what this article terms the ‘supra-national’ ethnic level, where interactions between domestic and external actors are considered. In order to explore these issues empirically, this paper examines the process of constitutional reform in BiH over the course of 2005–6, drawing from personal interviews. The paper concludes that, while the assistance provided by external actors has proven substantial, the neglect of intra-ethnic dynamics and other related considerations have often rendered external actors’ efforts at shaping the statebuilding process in BiH ineffective. 相似文献
38.
黄志坚* 《北京青年政治学院学报》2013,(2):30-32
城镇化指农村人口转化为城镇人口的过程,是工业化、现代化进程必然经历的历史阶段。改革开放之后,我国大量农村人口向城市的转移为现代化、城镇化注入生机和活力,丰富了城镇建设的人力资源,这支力量的主体是青年。在这一过程中进城农村青年经历了很多艰辛,主要表现为权利平等、权益维护、人格尊严、资源共享、社会保障等方面的缺失,即社会人文关怀的缺失。加强对进城农村青年的人文关怀、推进市民化进程,需要制定政策、形成制度。 相似文献
39.
Emanuela Macek-Macková 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(4):615-633
This article examines the break-ups of post-communist Czechoslovakia and the Union of Serbia and Montenegro under consociationalism. According to Arend Lijphart, social divisions may be neutralized at the elite level with power-sharing mechanisms. Lijphart's theory has been abundantly criticized, particularly because, while its intention is to induce cooperation, consociationalism does not give leaders actual incentives to cooperate. Czechoslovakia and the Union qualified as consociations; however most favorable factors were absent. The states failed to overcome their divisions and broke apart. Both states were going through a democratization period, experienced differently in each republic. The article argues that the application of consociationalism at this time magnified the divisions. Stirring up the ethnic sensitivity of the population was the most reliable strategy for politicians to secure popular support. In this context, and with the EU enlargement prospect, the consociational structure, instead of bringing elites together, weakened the federal power and provided elites the opportunity to defend republican interests at the expense of the federations. Hence, while a consociation requires certain conditions and favorable factors, the context in which consociationalism is implemented, and particularly democratization periods, may have a decisive influence on the leaders’ ability to cooperate, on their decisions, and thereby on the state. 相似文献
40.
张瑞萍 《北京人民警察学院学报》2014,(5):32-36
在建设世界城市过程中,首都危险物品管理工作面临着严峻的反恐防暴形势,只有深刻剖析首都危险物品安全管理中出现的新情况、新问题,改进管理模式,完善并创新管理手段,建立健全危险物品管理机制,全面推进危险物品安全监管信息化、规范化建设,才能提升首都危险物品安全管理的总体水平,为世界城市建设提供良好的社会环境。 相似文献