全文获取类型
收费全文 | 863篇 |
免费 | 29篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 32篇 |
工人农民 | 31篇 |
世界政治 | 41篇 |
外交国际关系 | 60篇 |
法律 | 385篇 |
中国共产党 | 25篇 |
中国政治 | 100篇 |
政治理论 | 66篇 |
综合类 | 152篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 18篇 |
2020年 | 27篇 |
2019年 | 17篇 |
2018年 | 31篇 |
2017年 | 30篇 |
2016年 | 29篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 37篇 |
2013年 | 92篇 |
2012年 | 69篇 |
2011年 | 43篇 |
2010年 | 40篇 |
2009年 | 43篇 |
2008年 | 62篇 |
2007年 | 55篇 |
2006年 | 64篇 |
2005年 | 43篇 |
2004年 | 51篇 |
2003年 | 38篇 |
2002年 | 24篇 |
2001年 | 15篇 |
2000年 | 16篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有892条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
In response to the lack of research on the effect of arrest in deterring domestic violence in minority communities, a qualitative
exploratory study was conducted with Korean American social workers providing services to Korean domestic violence victims
in the New York metropolitan area. The authors examined study participants' perceptions about their clients' experiences of
arrests in domestic violence situations. Findings reveal major barriers for Korean victims that prevent them from utilizing
help from the police. Main themes from the data show both negative and positive results from arrests. Participants perceived
arrest as an ultimately necessary tool for deterring domestic violence in the Korean community in the U.S. Participants suggested
some changes in the criminal justice system to better respond to immigrant victims of domestic violence. Practice and policy
implications are discussed.
This study was, in part, presented at the 23rd APPAM (Association for Public Analysis and Management) Annual Research Conference
in Washington, D.C. on November 1, 2001. 相似文献
112.
Sascha?GriffingEmail author Deborah?Fish?Ragin Sheena?M.?Morrison Robert?E.?Sage Lorraine?Madry Beny?J.?Primm 《Journal of family violence》2005,20(5):341-348
Studies have demonstrated that women with a history of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) are at increased risk of revictimization,
but research has not yet examined whether a history of CSA may affect patterns of remaining in or returning to abusive relationships
in adulthood. This study examines the impact of a CSA history on decisions to return to abusive relationships in a sample
of 104 adult domestic violence survivors. Participants were interviewed about the number of times that they had previously
separated from and returned to their abusive partner, the factors that influenced their decision to return (both psychological/internal
and environmental/external factors), and their perceived likelihood of returning in the future. As predicted, CSA survivors
(n = 34) reported a significantly greater number of past separations than non-CSA survivors (n = 70). CSA survivors were also significantly more likely to report that their decisions to return were influenced by emotional
attachment to the batterer. CSA survivors did not perceive themselves to be at greater risk of returning in the future, suggesting
that they may be more likely to underestimate their vulnerability to returning to the battering relationship. Clinical implications
of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
113.
构建公共服务的协同机制:一个界定性框架 总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11
在公共服务多元主体供给中,存在着多主体和多部门导致的公共服务供给碎片化问题。要解决这种碎片化困境,必须探索构建公共服务供给的协同机制。本文从"目标"和"利益"两个变量出发,来构建公共服务协同机制的分析框架,提出科层制协同、沟通性协同、公-私协同、战略性协同四种协同机制,并结合相关案例分析,来阐释每一种协同机制的内在关系和实现机制。 相似文献
114.
PETER SELB 《European Journal of Political Research》2012,51(5):583-606
How quickly, to what extent and under what conditions do voters and elites adapt to new electoral institutions in order to not waste their votes and effort on hopeless competitors? A latent‐curve model of strategic adaptation is developed and fitted to district‐level election data from Spain. The extent of strategic adaptation is generally found to vary with the strength of the electoral system. However, grave ethnic tensions are demonstrated to seriously retard adaptation even under favourable institutional conditions. 相似文献
115.
116.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(3):297-316
Using domestic violence incidence and arrest data from Maryland (1991–1997), this research examines whether the proportion of incidents that result in arrest increased due to a legislative initiative implemented in 1994 and, if so, whether this change is uniform across different types of offenders (race and gender) and offense characteristics. Using interrupted time‐series analysis (ARIMA), we observe an increase in both the number of incidents reported to police and the percent of reported cases resulting in arrest. The legislative intervention has a significant positive impact on arrest likelihood above and beyond the increase over time for the state as a whole. While arrest probabilities increased across the board for males and females, African American and Whites, the ARIMA models do not suggest that the legislation differentially impacted arrest probabilities for these groups. 相似文献
117.
通过实证调研,其结果显示家庭暴力的发生率仍然较高,并且当事人呈现出性别、年龄、职业等方面的特点。人民法院在涉家庭暴力案件的审理过程中,既有家庭暴力认定、举证责任分配、人身安全保护裁定送达、调解方法上的有益经验,也面临着防治家庭暴力立法及反家庭暴力联动机制不完善、人身安全保护裁定的局限性、取证难等一些困境。建议我国尽快制定一部统一的"家庭暴力防治法",在加强防治家庭暴力宣传的同时,明确规范各相关部门的职责与责任,加强各部门之间的联动协作。 相似文献
118.
2010年2月1日,中央一号文件首次明确提出"新生代农民工"的概念,旨在当今现实条件下努力促进新生代农民工的市民化。改革开放至今,农民工已步入第二代,即"新生代农民工",他们在促进城市经济发展过程中发挥了重要作用,但新生代农民工犯罪问题也成了社会的顽疾。本文在研究这一群体特点、犯罪情况的基础上,从社会根源、社会原因以及个人因素等方面进行综合分析,在社会不公平竞争视角下对新生代农民工犯罪生存空间进行探索,研究不公平竞争与其犯罪的关联,以期发展三元协调促进的防控理论,并寻求消除不公平竞争机制,铲除新生代农民工犯罪土壤的对策。 相似文献
119.
政府行政管理与基层群众自治是两种不同的社会治理机制,二者具有统一的社会目标——社会治理。但因二者在内在机制、价值取向、运作方式等方面的不同,导致二者的协调陷入困境。协调两种治理机制,是建立科学治理结构的必然要求。要从合理调整基层政府管理职能,培育基层群众的自治观念和增强基层自治组织的利益聚合与表达功能三个方面入手加以协调。 相似文献
120.
This paper discusses the Coordinated Family Dispute Resolution (family mediation) process piloted in Australia in 2010–2012. This process was evaluated by the Australian Institute of Family Studies as being ‘at the cutting edge of family law practice’ because it involves the conscious application of mediation where there has been a history of family violence, in a clinically collaborative multidisciplinary and multi-agency setting. The Australian government's failure to invest resources in the ongoing funding of this model jeopardises the safety and efficacy of family dispute resolution practice in family violence contexts, and compromises the hearing of the voices of family violence victims and their children. 相似文献