Gender,political participation and electoral systems: A cross‐national analysis

This article investigates whether the smaller gender gaps in political engagement, found in more proportional electoral systems, translate into smaller gender differences in political participation. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, it presents the argument that more proportional systems may send signals that multiple interests are included in the policy‐making process, which may increase women's levels of political participation and thereby reduce gender gaps. Additionally, the article tests for the possibility that a greater number of political parties and the elected representatives they provide act as barriers to political participation that have a greater impact on women's levels of participation than men's. It is argued that women's lower levels of political resources and engagement might create more difficult barriers for them than for men. Results lend little support for the first hypothesis, but a greater confirmation for the second.     

黄河三角洲广告产业园发展问题研究

东营市要实现"两个率先"的发展目标,必须着力转变发展方式,优化产业结构,而广告产业成为适逢其时的突破口和必然选择。东营市广告产业处于起步阶段,黄河三角洲广告产业园成为推动其发展的重要载体和平台。要坚持高标准、高起点规划,要立足于东营市的区域文化特色,展示东营市特有的文化底蕴,使黄河三角洲广告产业园成为带动东营市广告产业发展的龙头。     

欧盟国家保障两性平等参政法律制度研究

近10年来,随着权力机构性别失衡问题政治敏感性日益提高,欧盟一些国家开始运用法律以及法律之外的制度来平衡公共政治领域的性别比例。欧盟国家参政中对性别差异进行了法律调整,保障了两性平等参政。为了实现两性平等参政,在法律制度进行变革的同时,对相应的选举制度和政治体制进行改革。在适用配额制时,各国的具体情况是必须要考虑的因素,选举制度和配额制必须紧密配合,不能分割开来。     

虚假广告罪与诈骗罪之竞合问题浅探——以电视直销现象为切入

虚假广告罪和诈骗罪在行为方式上都有欺骗行为,只是欺骗的程度不同。当虚假广告罪中的欺骗或者说是宣传的虚假程度达到诈骗罪的欺诈程度时,便产生了虚假广告罪和诈骗罪的想象竞合。在这种情形下应当遵循想象竞合犯的处理原则,从一重罪处罚,认定为诈骗罪。     

Communal violence and ethnic polarization before and after the 2015 elections in Turkey: attacks against the HDP and the Kurdish population

Given its duration and intensity, the decades-old civil war in Turkey between the Turkish state and the PKK has resulted in relatively low levels of lethal inter-communal conflict between Kurdish and Turkish populations. However, around the June 2015 elections an unprecedented wave of systematic anti-Kurdish violence swept across western Turkey. The paper will assess these events in relation to literature on communal riots and electoral violence. It will consider the impact of state led anti-Kurdish discourse and the growth of the HDP, as potential factors that aggravated the dormant tensions and laid the groundwork for widespread inter-communal violence.     

Issue framing and electoral violence in Ghana: a conceptual analysis

Ghana has conducted several successful elections since 1992, but the country continues to face many threats of widespread violence due to the recurrent nature of micro-level electoral violence and the existence of vulnerabilities such as political patronage, politics of exclusion, winner-takes-all electoral system and ethnic cleavages. While these factors have been used to explain the causes of electoral violence, issue framing by political elites and its connection to electoral violence have not been adequately examined. To better understand this phenomenon, this article draws on the concept of framing to underscore the argument that issue framing and reframing by political elites tend to shape micro-level electoral violence in Ghana.     

Straining without training? Capacity-related problems facing African election executives and officials

This article argues that the empowerment of election officials and executives is usually overlooked, understated or simply ignored; yet elections cannot be conducted without plans in place to improve their efficiency and effectiveness; especially through training. As one of the foremost mechanisms for improving elections, training is crucial to organisational performance enhancement. However, training for election officials and executives is fairly new in many African countries. Generally incorporated in generic university or vocational institute courses globally, training is usually offered as a special tailor-made module for polling officials in western countries. Even then, it rarely covers the severe conditions election officials regularly face, especially in Africa. This article examines these issues based on a review of the extant literature, conceptual and theoretical reflection on election management, and practical interaction with some election authorities who participated as trainees in the Unisa Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) course (2012–2014). The article concludes that the training of election officials and executives poses challenges for Africa; partly because some election management bodies (EMBs) prefer to “strain” rather than effectively train their members to ensure sustainable performance, and partly because others prefer short-term irrelevant training that undermines their organisational goals. These hurdles need to be overcome if Africa is to address its election-related challenges.     

Primary Elections for Britain

The coalition's programme for government promises to fund 200 open postal primaries during the current Parliament, targeted at seats which have not changed hands for many years. The lessons from the two open postal primaries used in 2009 are that they will change the numbers and characteristics of those involved in choosing candidates, the criteria for selection and the type of candidates chosen. Much will remain unchanged. Primaries are unlikely to affect the controlling influence of party in the House. The limits to their number and duration will leave most safe seats unaffected and prevent the development of any new form of accountability. Primaries will provide some voters with intra‐party competition but inter‐party uncompetitiveness will remain the norm.     

城乡居民享有平等选举权的法律思考

"逐步实行城乡按相同人口比例选举人大代表"即城乡居民享有平等选举权,是对宪法确定的公民首项基本权利--"平等权"的实现,它符合宪法的规定与基本精神;其次,党中央的这一决策也说明了我国的现行<选举法>中"农村每一代表所代表的人口数四倍于城镇每一代表所带表的人口数"之规定有待进一步修改;城乡居民享有平等选举权符合我国现在和将来的现实需要.     

Do competitive districts get more political attention? Strategic use of geographic representation during campaign and non-campaign periods

MPs are elected as delegates of their electoral district to represent their constituents' interests. Geographical representation is considered a central quality indicator for legislative systems. Yet whether the strategic use of geographic representation is affected by tactical campaign considerations has received less attention. The availability of social media data on a fine-grained level allows us to fill this gap by studying the following question: To what extent do politicians strategically use geographic representation during electoral campaign and non-campaign times? I combine literature comparing campaign and non-campaign periods with studies on strategic incentives for MPs to geographic representation. Empirically, I rely on quantitative text-analytical tools to study German politicians’ tweets from the entire 19th legislative period (2017–2021). My findings have important implications for the geographic representation literature as they imply that MPs use geographic references strategically, especially during campaign periods. Prospective competitive districts receive substantially more political attention already during non-campaign periods, yet further amplified during electoral campaigns.