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41.
Attitudes towards highly skilled and low‐skilled immigration in Europe: A survey experiment in 15 European countries
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ELIAS NAUMANN LUKAS F. STOETZER GIUSEPPE PIETRANTUONO 《European Journal of Political Research》2018,57(4):1009-1030
To what extent do economic concerns drive anti‐migrant attitudes? Key theoretical arguments extract two central motives: increased labour market competition and the fiscal burden linked to the influx of migrants. This article provides new evidence regarding the impact of material self‐interest on attitudes towards immigrants. It reports the results of a survey experiment embedded in representative surveys in 15 European countries before and after the European refugee crisis in 2014. As anticipated by the fiscal burden argument, it is found that rich natives prefer highly skilled over low‐skilled migration more than low‐income respondents do. Moreover, the study shows that these tax concerns among the wealthy are stronger if fiscal exposure to migration is high. No support is found for the labour market competition argument predicting that natives will be most opposed to migrants with similar skills. The results suggest that highly skilled migrants are preferred over low‐skilled migrants irrespective of natives’ skill levels. 相似文献
42.
Do parties change their platform in anticipation of electoral losses? Or do parties respond to experienced losses at the previous election? These questions relate to two mechanisms to align public opinion with party platforms: (1) rational anticipation, and (2) electoral performance. While extant work empirically tested, and found support for, the latter mechanism, the effect of rational anticipation has not been put to an empirical test yet. We contribute to the literature on party platform change by theorizing and assessing how party performance motivates parties to change their platform in-between elections. We built a new and unique dataset of >20,000 press releases issued by 15 Dutch national political parties that were in parliament between 1997 and 2014. Utilizing automated text analysis (topic modeling) to measure parties’ platform change, we show that electoral defeat motivates party platform change in-between elections. In line with existing findings, we demonstrate that parties are backward-looking. 相似文献
43.
Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences. 相似文献
44.
Stepping in the same river twice: Stability amidst change in Eastern European party competition
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Party competition in Eastern Europe faces a seeming paradox. On the one hand, research finds increased political volatility in these countries, while, on the other, some authors demonstrate inherent ideological stability in the region. This research note presents a new methodological approach to adjudicating between these two findings, and suggests that while political organisations come and go, the ideological structure of party competition in Eastern Europe is strikingly steady. By developing a number of different measures of the dimensional structure of party competition, the consistency of the measures across countries, as well as their relative stability within countries over time, is demonstrated. The findings speak to current developments in Eastern Europe, and have implications beyond the region. The conclusion that even volatile party systems can be underpinned by stable ideological oppositions points to two different types of party system structure: one related to parties as organisations, and the other related to parties as expressions of political divides. 相似文献
45.
Kadour Mehiriz 《Local Government Studies》2017,43(2):274-290
Subnational governments devote a significant share of their financial resources to help municipalities provide local public services to their citizens. Compared to the large number of studies on national governments, little effort has been devoted to the influence of distributive politics on the use of intergovernmental grants by subnational governments. To fill this gap, this study uses a data set covering the period 2001–2011 to verify to what extent the Québec government used conditional grants to municipalities for electoral purposes. The results of this study show that the allocation of grants to municipalities is not exempt from electoral politics as municipalities located in districts held by governing parties or in high electoral competition districts receive more grants than other municipalities. However, the influence of electoral politics decreases substantially when the management of intergovernmental grants is under tight scrutiny by the opposition parties, mass media and the population. These findings suggest that distributive politics can be conceptualised as a political agency problem whose prevalence is seriously constrained by the improvement of the transparency of public policies management. 相似文献
46.
Nkwachukwu Orji 《Democratization》2017,24(4):707-723
Prior to the 2015 Nigerian general elections, there were concerns that the fierce political contest would lead to electoral violence in the country. However, the elections were conducted peacefully, with fewer disputes and election-related deaths than previous elections. This study accounts for the fall in the level of electoral violence in Nigeria and discusses the lessons that Nigeria’s experience presents. It argues that the avoidance of destructive electoral disputes in Nigeria was the result of preventive action taken by the country’s electoral commission, civil society groups, and development partners. The specific preventive actions taken include innovations in election administration aimed at enhancing electoral transparency and credibility, election security measures such as early warning and peace messaging, and preventive diplomacy urging the main candidates and the political elite to embrace peace. The key lesson that can be drawn from Nigeria’s experience is that a well thought out conflict prevention strategy should be an integral part of electoral governance, especially in countries with a high risk of electoral violence. 相似文献
47.
Michael Rochlitz 《后苏联事务》2014,30(2-3):89-114
To what extent are Russian state agencies involved in predatory behavior, and what are the determinants of their activities? Analyzing a novel data-set comprising 312 cases of illegal corporate raiding (reyderstvo) between 1999 and 2010, this article identifies a shift both in the regional and sectoral distribution of raids over time, as well as an increasing participation of state agencies in criminal raiding attacks. Using panel regression analysis to look at the determinants of increasing state involvement, this article shows that election results for the ruling president and his party, as well as the degree to which elections are manipulated throughout Russia's regions, are significantly and positively correlated with the number of raids in a given region, while regions with governors that have stronger local ties are characterized by a smaller number of attacks. A potential interpretation of these findings is that the federal center may tolerate a certain degree of predatory activities by regional elites, as long as these elites are able to deliver a sufficiently high level of electoral support for the center, with the effect being weaker in regions where the governor is interested in the long-term development of the regional economy. 相似文献
48.
刘光荣 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2014,(4):35-37
以劳动竞赛助推企业发展,重点是要在创新、实干、实效上下功夫。为此,我们在健全机构、制定方案,围绕重点、细化目标,创新内容、丰富载体,多方联动、营造氛围等方面做了认真的努力,从而使企业管理上水平,经营提效益,职工得实惠,为劳动竞赛深入发展打下了良好的基础。 相似文献
49.
QU BO 《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(11):30-33
正MUTUAL suspicions concerning security among major countries and increasing economic competition among them are further complicating the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.The U.S.is proactively advancing talks towards the TransPacific Partnership(TPP)Agreement in hopes of forging higher-level free trade agreements in the region,while China supports and is participating in the negotiations of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership(RCEP).These 相似文献
50.
人类社会的发展过程中,竞争是一直伴随其左右并不断使其向前发展的源泉与动力。在现代社会中,尤其是从20世纪90年代以来,我国国内很多企业、集团纷纷采取了产销一体化的经营模式。这种模式的采用,究其原因,就是行业内的竞争所致。在现代工业化社会分工越来越细致,商业资本从产业资本中分离出来,在商品经济不发达的社会,由于生产规模有限,单个商品生产者生产的商品不多,那时,产销统一由生产者自己完成。商品经济发展到一定阶段后,随着生产规模的扩大,单个产业资本家生产的商品越来越多,他便不能同时兼顾生产与销售。因此,产销一体化的经营模式应运而生。 相似文献