我国中小企业财务管理问题探讨

加强中小企业财务管理不仅仅是中小企业自身发展的需要，更是人世后面对激烈的市场竞争、提高企业核心竞争力的需要。加强中小企业财务管理必须结合中小企业实际，建立有效的财务管理体系，确定适合于企业的财务管理目标。     

试论新型工业化建设与现代服务业发展

新型工业化是建立在信息化基础之上的、符合我国国情的、可持续发展的工业化道路,是我国实现工业化的有效途径。本文对我国现代服务业发展的重要意义,现代服务业存在的不适应新型工业化发展的主要问题进行了分析,在此基础上提出了推进我国现代服务业发展的对策与建议。     

《反垄断法》实施的预期效应探究

我国的《反垄断法》是国家基于“公平与效率”的价值追求而创设的市场经济基础·肄法律，旨在维护市场有序竞争，落实国家竞争、产业等经济政策，实现国家经济管理职能。它的实施必将产生一系列预期效应：国家竞争政策统一、反垄断指南具法律效力、“成文法”与“判例法”相融合、为保护国家利益增添新的法律手段以及促进我国行政管理体制的进一步改革等。     

对“哈啤”案的几点思考——兼论商品特有名称的法律性质及其保护

我国反不正当竞争法禁止擅自仿冒知名商品的特有名称不是所谓的“中国特色”、一时之需。相对于注册商标,商品特有名称是商品表征中相对易变的部分,也是商品外观的重要组成部分,其存在是符合商品流通规律的。对于商品特有名称的简称等非正式名称,在具备公示、持续使用和特有性的条件下也构成商品特有名称,从而受反不正当竞争法的保护。商品特有名称在本质上是未注册商标,对其应限定于为相关公众所共知的范围内适度保护,才能保证经营者有相当的行为自由和较低的信息搜集负担。     

散打运动员战术意识合成研究

战术意识合成,是将散打竞赛的各方面战术协调综合运用,形成整体的战术意识。其基本内容包括：进攻、反击和反反击战术意识。提高运动员战术意识合成的主要方法有：加强基本功、基本技术的培养,打好牢固的基础;加强战术理论的学习,培养观察问题、分析问题和解决问题的能力;加强对竞赛规则的理解和运用能力;培养突袭、佯攻、迂回、阻击等战术的运用能力,突出运动员强点的培养和在竞赛中发挥强点的能力;培养驾驭全局出奇制胜的能力。     

培植核心竞争力是中国大型零售企业的战略选择

培植中国大型零售企业的核心竞争能力，对促进企业生存和发展、抢占流通高地都具有重要意义。但中国大型零售企业的核心竞争力（战略管理、组织管理、营销、规模扩张、企业文化凝聚等能力）与世界先进企业相比仍有不小的差距。培植中国大型零售企业核心竞争力的重点应放在构建企业的营利模式、组建学习型组织和加强企业文化建设等方面。     

联合国《竞争法示范法》述评

《竞争法示范法》是联合国贸易与发展会议下属的政府间竞争法与竞争政策专家组研究国际竞争法的最主要的成果，它及时因应了国际竞争法的发展趋势和要求，具有高度的灵活性和前瞻性，为促进发展中国家立法、协调各国竞争立法进行了有益尝试。     

What consideration sets can teach us about electoral competition: A two-hurdle model

Consideration set models (CSMs) offer a novel way to study electoral behavior. Until now, they have been mostly studied at the micro-level of the voter's decision process. By contrast, we focus on the implications of CSMs for understanding the phenomenon of party competition. We propose a two hurdle model whereby parties compete for both consideration and selection, pursuant the consideration and choice stages of the CSM. We operationalize these hurdles in terms of a party's inclusivity—is it being considered?—and exclusivity—is it considered on its own?—and formally derive lower- and upper-bounds for the electoral fortunes of the party. We also show how consideration set data can be used to sketch the competition landscape in an election and to characterize the system-wide competitiveness of a political system. We illustrate our concepts and ideas using data from the 2010 Dutch and 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections.     

Party convergence and vote switching: Explaining mainstream party decline across Europe

How can one explain the significant vote losses of mainstream parties across Europe in recent years? In this article, it is argued that mainstream party convergence is an important determinant of the recent political and electoral volatility in European party systems. More specifically, it is hypothesised that as mainstream parties converge on the left-right scale, voters will switch from supporting a mainstream party to a non-mainstream party in the next election as they look for an alternative that better represents their ideological views. To test these theoretical expectations, data is combined from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Manifestos Project for nearly 15,000 vote choices of individual voters in 30 elections in 16 West and East European countries from 2001 until 2013. The findings have important implications for understanding the recent rise of non-mainstream parties, the changing nature of party systems and the increasing complexity of cabinet formation across Europe.     

Who talks about what? Issue strategies across the party hierarchy

We combine the recent literature on issue competition with work on intra-party heterogeneity to advance a novel theoretical argument. Starting from the premise that party leaders and non-leaders have different motivations and incentives, we conjecture that issue strategies should vary across the party hierarchy. We, therefore, expect systematic intra-party differences in the use of riding the wave and issue ownership strategies. We test this claim by linking public opinion data to manually coded information on over 3600 press releases issued by over 500 party actors across five election campaigns in Austria between 2006 and 2019. We account for self-selection into leadership roles by exploiting transitions into and out of leadership status over time. The results show that party leaders are more likely than non-leaders to respond to the public's issue priorities, but not more or less likely to pursue issue-ownership strategies.