Strengthening the inner circle: the marriage networks of elite families in Joseon Korea

ABSTRACT

Socioeconomic homogamy is a prominent process for reproducing the social structure in preindustrial societies including East Asian countries. Although Joseon Korea was a centralized bureaucratic state under a king, the stratification system was unique by its ambiguity such that the previlege of an upper class was not officially confirmed. Since the social status was rather conferred by the reputation of the family, the quality of marriage relation was important for a man to be ranked as a central official. In this paper, we investigate patterns of social homogamy among elite families in the early Joseon Korea through empirical evidence of the relationship between official rank and spousal family background. We created a novel dataset by compiling the marriage network and official rank information of 14,508 individuals from the jokbos (族譜, genealogy) of 15 elite families and conduct an ordinal logit regression analysis to investigate whether spousal family background increases the probability of an individual being promoted in the bureaucracy. We find that the socio-political power of affinal kin has a greater effect on promotions than the descent and meritocratic effects. Particularly, the empirical evidence shows that marrying into a queen consort’s family increased the likelihood of an individual being ranked in a high position, which was beneficial for retaining the political power of him and the family. The study shows that marriage as a means of managing the socio-political inner circle of elite families, shaping the elites’ socio-political inner circle, built on the marriage network around a queen consort’s family to benefit the royal authority and the elite group.     

Targeted Y chromosome capture enrichment in admixed South American samples with haplogroup Q

Y haplogroups, defined by Y-SNPs, allow the reconstruction of the human Y chromosome genealogy. Recently, MPS based panels were introduced in the forensic genetics community for Y-SNP typing and identification of a broad range of haplogroups. The panels are based on an amplicon strategy and allow the detection of up to 15,600 Y-SNPs. The panels target up to 210,000 bps, which should be compared to the overall 8.9 Mbps comprising the unique regions of the non-recombining portion of the Y chromosome (NRY). We present an alternative approach of sequencing unique regions within the NRY using target enrichment probes and hybridization capture. A total of 359,954 probes were designed using the SureDesign software, representing 7.5 Mbps of the NRY. Library preparation and capture were performed using the Agilent SureSelect XT HS2 Target Enrichment method and sequencing was performed in a NovaSeq 6000 System. Besides individual barcodes, the method also included unique molecular barcodes for additional quality screening. The method was tested on admixed South Americans that carry a Y chromosome of haplogroup Q. We successfully identified novel variation that could potentially help refining haplogroup Q phylogeny.     

Do voters learn? Evidence that voters respond accurately to changes in political parties’ policy positions

A premise of the mass–elite linkage at the heart of representative democracy is that voters notice changes in political parties’ policy positions and update their party perceptions accordingly. However, recent studies question the ability of voters accurately to perceive changes in parties’ positions. The study advances this literature with a two-wave panel survey design that measured voters’ perception of party positions before and after a major policy shift by parties in the government coalition in Denmark 2011–2013. Two key findings extend previous work. First, voters do indeed pay attention to parties when they visibly change policy position. Second, voters update their perceptions of the party positions much more accurately than would have been expected if they merely relied on a ‘coalition heuristic’ as a rule-of-thumb. These findings imply that under some conditions voters are better able to make meaningful political choices than previous work suggests.     

Media Motivation and Elite Rhetoric in Comparative Perspective

The exchange of diverse points of view in elite deliberation is considered a cornerstone of democracy. This study presents evidence that variations in political motivation for media use predict the tendency of politicians to present deliberative rhetoric that considers multiple points of view regarding issues and sees those views as related to one another. We surveyed 111 incumbent Members of Parliament in Belgium, Canada, and Israel and analyzed a large sample of their parliamentary speeches. The findings demonstrate that motivation to attain media coverage and act upon information from the news media leads politicians to strategically display simple and unidimensional rhetoric due to newsworthiness considerations, but only in countries where the media constitute important resources for reelection. The results contribute to extant literature by demonstrating a media effect on elite deliberation and by emphasizing the moderating role of political systems on the nature of elite rhetoric.     

中国共产党执政的组织基础:精英转换与精英塑造

执政骨干队伍建设是中国共产党长期执政的组织基础和人才支撑,因此,加强对执政精英的基础性研究,便成为中国共产党需要完成的重大时代课题.在对相关文献进行梳理的基础上,运用贝尔的"中轴原理",揭示新中国成立以来中国共产党革命精英、技术精英和政治精英转换和塑造的政治—经济动因;分析中国共产党在长期的精英转换和塑造中形成的培养接...     

司法的悖论——司法的民主化与司法的精英化之矛盾探究

针对当前中国学者围绕中国司法制度改革中所面临的一对主要矛盾,即司法的民主化与司法的精英化之矛盾所展开的争论进行探讨,试图以内在的视角考察西方司法制度的历史,揭示作为司法手段的司法的精英化与司法的民主化之间存在的张力,进而阐明西方人是如何运用自己的智慧协调二者之间的关系寻求二者之间的和谐并使之共同服务于司法的目的,即公正裁判维护社会正义.而对于中国目前的司法改革来说应当如何处理二者之间的关系,在弄清司法之目的基础上应当以内在的视角考察中国当下的司法传统,在此基础之上,寻找作为人类共识的思维方式之中的共性.     

Conserving the Constitution? The Conservative Party and Democratic Renewal

In 2008 David Cameron declared that the Conservative party was 'ready for government' and suggested that 'the change we need is not just from Labour's old policies to our new policies… It's about a change from old politics to new politics'. This 'new politics' narrative is something of a cliché: British constitutional history reveals a regular pattern whereby opposition parties renege upon implementing far-reaching constitutional and democratic reforms once they win power. It is in this context that this article draws upon documentary analysis and a number of interviews to examine the Conservative party's position on constitutional reform and democratic renewal. It concludes that although the Conservative party has spent the last decade decrying the 'destruction' of the constitution it has undertaken little detailed preparatory work in relation to how it might seek to alter the governance of Britain. As a result the research presented in this article provides a number of insights into elite politics, strategic game-playing and executive veto capacities within a context of growing political disengagement from politics and falling levels of trust in politics.     

Regulatory Capture of Regulators: The Case of the Investment Dealers Association of Canada

This study employed Stilger’s (1971) capture theory to investigate whether the Investment Dealers Association (IDA) of Canada experienced regulatory capture by weak enforcement. The study used data of the IDA’s enforcement practices to test the hypothesis that proportionately smaller fines are imposed for more serious offenders, ceteris paribus. Among the factors that influenced fines, one can find investigation costs and quasi-criminal offences as the main predictors making significant contributions. The result presented in the study can be use by legislators to further engage in dialogues on the importance of a federal securities regulatory agency in Canada.     

在权威与精英之间：新加坡政治运行的内在逻辑分析

新加坡到底是权威主义还是精英民主,学术界存在争论,引发这一争论的根本原因在于对精英与权威关系的模糊不清。新加坡的政治运作遵循的是一种实用主义的理念,它是以对权威和精英作用最大化的发挥为导向的。厘清新加坡政治运作过程中权威与精英之间的内在逻辑,有利于对新加坡政治的研究。     

The politics of bank bailout in Japan: a cognitive capture and leadership view

Abstract

This article explores why the Japanese government did not decisively intervene on behalf of bank bailouts at the early stage of the banking crisis of 1997–98 and investigates the institutional and political context behind the use of fiscal money for bank bailouts in 1997–98, 1998–99, and 2001–05. In contrast with prevailing views, which emphasize the conflicts of interest or differences in policy preferences between politicians and bureaucrats and their captured nature either by bankers’ special interests or political/bureaucratic interests, this article argues that Japanese policymakers shared a congruent policy preference — that is, minimizing the disruptions in the existing institutional arrangement in government-bank-firm relations and this congruence in policy preference (or ‘cognitive capture’) compelled the government to take a creditor-centered approach to the banking problem — i.e., letting banks resolve their own problems. It also argues that a strong political leadership that can break with the ‘cognitive capture’ and sustain government's resolute commitment to solving the nonperforming loan problem is an essential factor for successful bank restructuring.