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171.
This article focuses on a sector of society that has received comparatively little attention in the recent historiography of post‐revolutionary Mexican rural society: the local elite. Using the district of Zacapoaxtla in the Sierra Norte de Puebla as a case study, it explores the ways in which external agents of change challenged pre‐existing relationships between communities, classes, and ethnic groups. It shows how, in trying to retain their positions of local dominance, the elite displayed remarkable degrees of pragmatism and willingness to compromise on long‐standing prejudices. Above all, the article offers a detailed example of how political patronage at national and regional levels enabled local factions to overcome formidable opposition.  相似文献   
172.
Photographic surveying is fundamental to crime scene investigation. It is performed using 2D images; however, this method is limited because it does not offer a detailed view. We present a 3D (three‐dimensional) experimental model that has clarified unsolved aspects of a homicide. A woman was found dead in her home. Considering the large number of injuries on the victim, signs of the use of two weapons, and the absence of traces of the killer/s, several hypotheses about the dynamics and the number of offenders were made. The forensic surveys suggested that a single offender had used two weapons at the same time, but this hypothesis was considered to be impossible by investigators. Our 3D model allowed us to experimentally reproduce the murder and compare various dynamics. The model was used as evidence in Court to prove the hypothesis of a single killer and demonstrate that no other people were involved.  相似文献   
173.
This paper seeks to deepen our understanding of financial industry lobbying efforts that result in specific regulatory rules being dropped from the regulatory agenda, or what we call ‘rule omission’. Critically, existing research either ignores rule omission or characterizes it as the pinnacle of lobbying success. We argue that only in carefully mapping out industry preferences and tracking what happens to rules following their omission can we say something about the extent to which finance wins or loses in its effort to shape regulation. Our analysis is based on two in-depth case studies from the European Union: (1) solvency rules in the Institutions for Occupational Retirement Provision Directive (IORPP II), where rule omission does reflect a strong case of industry influence; and (2) short selling rules in the Alternative Investment Fund Managers Directive (AIFMD), a case of rule omission resulting in more stringent rules over industry activities.  相似文献   
174.
The detection of a mixture of nine explosive compounds, including nitrate esters, nitroaromatics, and a nitramine in less than 140 sec is described. The new method employs a commercially available pulsed-discharge electron capture detector (PDECD) coupled with a microbore capillary gas chromatography (GC) column in a standard GC oven to achieve on-column detection limits between 5 and 72 fg for the nine explosives studied. The PDECD has the benefit that it uses a pulsed plasma to generate the standing electron current instead of a radioactive source. The fast separation time limits on-column degradation of the thermally labile compounds and decreases the peak widths, which results in larger peak intensities and a concomitant improvement in detection limits. The combination of short analysis time and low detection limits make this method a potential candidate for screening large numbers of samples that have been prepared using techniques such as liquid-liquid extraction or solid-phase microextraction.  相似文献   
175.
新加坡到底是权威主义还是精英民主,学术界存在争论,引发这一争论的根本原因在于对精英与权威关系的模糊不清。新加坡的政治运作遵循的是一种实用主义的理念,它是以对权威和精英作用最大化的发挥为导向的。厘清新加坡政治运作过程中权威与精英之间的内在逻辑,有利于对新加坡政治的研究。  相似文献   
176.
This article examines the relationship between management of the ministerial bureaucracy and the risk of high‐level corruption in Poland. Four danger zones of corruption in the ministerial bureaucracy are distinguished, comprising the personalisation of appointments, the emergence of multiple dependencies, the screening capacity of the personnel system and the incentive of bureaucrats to develop a reputation of honesty and competence. Empirically, the article investigates the case of Poland from 1997 until 2007 and sets the findings in a comparative East Central European perspective. The article shows that corruption risks in the ministerial bureaucracy increased in most but not all danger zones after 2001 and, in particular, during the period of the centre‐right governments that were in office between 2005 and 2007. The increase in corruption risks is reflected in Poland's deteriorating corruption record during the same period. The conclusion discusses the findings with regard to alternative causes of corruption and the relationship between civil service professionalisation and corruption in other East Central European countries. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
177.
Abstract

This article explores why the Japanese government did not decisively intervene on behalf of bank bailouts at the early stage of the banking crisis of 1997–98 and investigates the institutional and political context behind the use of fiscal money for bank bailouts in 1997–98, 1998–99, and 2001–05. In contrast with prevailing views, which emphasize the conflicts of interest or differences in policy preferences between politicians and bureaucrats and their captured nature either by bankers’ special interests or political/bureaucratic interests, this article argues that Japanese policymakers shared a congruent policy preference — that is, minimizing the disruptions in the existing institutional arrangement in government-bank-firm relations and this congruence in policy preference (or ‘cognitive capture’) compelled the government to take a creditor-centered approach to the banking problem — i.e., letting banks resolve their own problems. It also argues that a strong political leadership that can break with the ‘cognitive capture’ and sustain government's resolute commitment to solving the nonperforming loan problem is an essential factor for successful bank restructuring.  相似文献   
178.
菲律宾政治带有浓厚的精英家族特色,精英家族政治的起源可追溯到前殖民时期,历经西班牙殖民时期、民族独立革命时期、美国殖民时期、两党民主时期和马科斯独裁时期。在历史演进过程中,一方面,精英家族政治权力由地方向中央延伸并最终垄断国家政治权力;另一方面,精英家族政治所依赖的经济基础从较单一的农业向多样化的工商业发展。可以判断,长期存在的精英家族政治是菲律宾依然相当落后的一个重要原因。  相似文献   
179.
To explain cognitive capture, economic sociologists often examine the structure of relationships between regulators and market participants. This paper argues that the nature of regulators' misperception should be subject to analysis as well. Different types of misperceptions develop over timelines of varying lengths. Depending on the misperception, different sets of relationships and parties may therefore be the cause of regulators' capture. The paper illustrates this point with a case study of regulators' failure to detect pervasive market power in California's electricity markets between 1998 and 2001. Existing explanations focus on sellers' short-term attempts to distract regulators from widespread evidence of market power. Using data from three archives and in-depth interviews, I show that the regulators did not fall prey to such “information problems.” Instead, their misperception resulted from a more foundational “worldview problem.” This error affects regulators' basic conception of the marketplace and can be traced to earlier and more gradual forms of influence exerted by utilities that, ironically, would become the victims of market power.  相似文献   
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