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171.
In an effort to promote learning in classrooms, political science instructors are increasingly turning to interactive teaching strategies — experiments, simulations, etc. — that supplement traditional lecture formats. In this article, I advocate the use of student-generated data as a powerful teaching tool that can be used in a variety of ways to support learning. The “data-driven classroom” is one in which original student data are collected via survey at the beginning of the course and the results presented throughout the term. Examples and case studies across multiple courses and classroom settings are used to illustrate how the method may be applied in practice. Feedback from student assessment surveys reveals strong support for the method, even among nonmajors. The article concludes with recommendations for instructors interested in creating more data-driven classrooms.  相似文献   
172.
Ever since the Great Recession, public debt has become politicised. Some research suggests that citizens are fiscally conservative, while other research shows that they punish governments for implementing fiscal consolidation. This begs the question of whether and how much citizens care about debt. We argue that debt is not a priority for citizens because reducing it involves spending and tax trade-offs. Using a split-sample experiment and a conjoint experiment in four European countries, we show that fiscal consolidation at the cost of spending cuts or taxes hikes is less popular than commonly assumed. Revenue-based consolidation is especially unpopular, but expenditure-based consolidation is also contested. Moreover, the public has clear fiscal policy priorities: People do not favour lower debt and taxes, but they support higher progressive taxes to pay for more government spending. The article furthers our understanding of public opinion on fiscal policies and the likely political consequences of austerity.  相似文献   
173.
Do Americans care how much money congressional candidates earn? We conducted three experiments to examine how candidates' incomes affect voters' perceptions of the candidates' traits and ultimately their vote intention. Subjects evaluated otherwise identical candidates with annual incomes randomly varying between $75,000, $3 million, and a candidate with no income information provided. Results from the three experiments are remarkably similar. Subjects viewed the $3 million earner as significantly more intelligent than the candidate with no income information provided, but this benefit of high income was overshadowed by significant biases against the $3 million candidate. Subjects consistently viewed the $3 million earner as less honest, less caring, and less representative of them than the other candidates. Ultimately, subjects were less likely to say they would vote for the $3 million candidate. These findings demonstrate that the campaign advantages that high-income candidates enjoy are somewhat offset by voters' initial bias against them.  相似文献   
174.
老旧小区如何成功加装电梯日益凸显为城市社区治理中的老大难问题,代表不同利益的高低层住户之间的冲突在所难免。W市D小区一波三折的电梯加装过程显示:公共冲突既有正功能也有负功能;冲突的化解要采取整合的方式而非控制或妥协的方式;积极的制度环境对电梯加装工作起到了指导和推动作用;社区能人在冲突的化解中充当整合者的角色。在处理冲突时,要促使其从破坏性向建设性转变,努力整合各方利益,促进多方对话,同时充分发挥好制度环境和社区能人的作用。  相似文献   
175.
Abstract

This article analyses the influence that political parties exert upon citizens’ opinions about European Union issues. By measuring at the same time the content and source effects on political attitudes, the article considers the possibility that voters pay less attention to the arguments used in a political message than to its source. Results from an online survey experiment in Spain show that partisan voters use a heuristic model of processing when taking positions on an unfamiliar EU issue, even though the prevalence of the source effect is moderated by the respondent’s political sophistication and party attachment. The results also indicate that some respondents tend to pay less attention to a message’s content when the message comes from their preferred party. Such findings raise concerns about the possibility for EU issue voting to guarantee the accountability of political elites and party–voter linkages.  相似文献   
176.
新加坡到底是权威主义还是精英民主,学术界存在争论,引发这一争论的根本原因在于对精英与权威关系的模糊不清。新加坡的政治运作遵循的是一种实用主义的理念,它是以对权威和精英作用最大化的发挥为导向的。厘清新加坡政治运作过程中权威与精英之间的内在逻辑,有利于对新加坡政治的研究。  相似文献   
177.
French institutions, political culture and history have favoured a very abstract conception of representation: MPs are expected to embody collectively the French Nation, but little is known about citizens’ concrete views on representation. In this paper, data gathered through a citizen mass survey are used. To overcome the usual abstract considerations on representation, respondents were asked their opinion on an MP who would endorse amendments proposed by an interest group. In the questionnaire, two features were changed randomly: the MP's political leaning and the type of interest group. It is shown by means of an original experiment that the ‘general’ conception representation has disappeared from citizens’ attitudes: despite the enduring legitimacy of the general will approach in the public sphere, French citizens appear to promote a conception of representation close to the Madisonian views on pluralism involving a strong attachment to the logic of territorial electoral linkage.  相似文献   
178.
菲律宾政治带有浓厚的精英家族特色,精英家族政治的起源可追溯到前殖民时期,历经西班牙殖民时期、民族独立革命时期、美国殖民时期、两党民主时期和马科斯独裁时期。在历史演进过程中,一方面,精英家族政治权力由地方向中央延伸并最终垄断国家政治权力;另一方面,精英家族政治所依赖的经济基础从较单一的农业向多样化的工商业发展。可以判断,长期存在的精英家族政治是菲律宾依然相当落后的一个重要原因。  相似文献   
179.
David Weaver 《政治交往》2013,30(3):421-422
The growth and dispersion of America’s immigrant population exposes increasing numbers of non-Hispanic Whites to Spanish. Yet the political impacts of that exposure depend on whether Democrats and Republicans respond in similar ways. To address that question, this article first presents survey experiments showing that exposure to Spanish increases restrictive immigration attitudes only among Republicans. To confirm the external validity of that result, the article then presents an analysis of California’s Proposition 227 indicating that support for ending bilingual education was higher in heavily White, Republican block groups with Spanish-language ballots. No such pattern appears in Democratic block groups. Together, these findings demonstrate that Spanish is a politicized symbol, provoking different responses among Whites depending on their partisanship. To the extent that other immigration-related cues produce similar effects, the salience of immigration seems likely to reinforce existing partisan divisions rather than undermining them.  相似文献   
180.
This study explores what ordinary American adults learn from news reported in different communications modalities and media. In the first experiment, the text of news items about Star Wars is held constant but the communications modality varies. In the second experiment, news reports reflect the journalistic style of television, newspaper, and magazine reporting. In the modality experiment, subjects learned equally well from the audiovisual, audio, or print versions of the stories. In the media experiment, subjects in the magazine and television conditions gained substantially more information than those in the newspaper condition; but when subjects were asked to apply information to policy judgments about Star Wars, magazine readers were more dovish than television viewers. For Star Wars news, it appears that the content and characteristic style of a news medium have important effects on news comprehension, particularly for the least informed and least interested members of the public.  相似文献   
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