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911.
抗日民族统一战线是中国人民的伟大创造,对中国历史产生了深远的影响,从中国政党制度的形成和建立的过程和条件来看,抗日民族统一战线对其亦有重大贡献。中国政党制度在当代中国语境下就是指中国共产党领导的多党合作与政治协商制度作,其主要架构和原则就是中国共产党的领导和多党合作,而党的领导地位的确立、多党合作的政党制度理念的萌芽、作为中国政党制度雏形的"三三制"实践,都受到抗日民族统一战线的重要影响。  相似文献   
912.
Abstract

In response to the flash crashes and market manipulations blamed on high-frequency trading (HFT), algorithms have been brought inside the regulatory perimeter. This paper focuses on the most ambitious regulation directed at the practice: the algorithm-tagging rule in the German High-Frequency Trading Act. Fifteen interviews with stakeholders in the Act’s implementation serve to reconstruct how regulators defined an algorithm and help pose the question of to what extent regulatory definitions and data need accurately to represent financial practices to be useful. Although tentative in its findings, the research suggests that the algorithm-tagging rule may be providing valuable signals in the noise to trade surveillance officers and having virtuous effects on the cultures of trading firms. The conclusion argues that sociologists of finance should adopt a more balanced approach when evaluating regulatory technologies and heed MacKenzie’s 2005 call to open up their black boxes.  相似文献   
913.
Studies of administrative behavior are keen to examine the internal dynamics of agency decision making, as well the impact of external political actors on agency actions. Yet few studies apply these findings to the question of why agencies use their most punitive enforcement powers. Contrasting principal–agent, transaction costs, and organizational culture models of agency behavior, this study examines why regulatory agencies punish. Through content analysis of nearly one thousand of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's criminal investigations and subsequent prosecutions, 2001–11, findings suggest that punishment severity in environmental criminal cases is based less on transaction costs and political pressure and more on professional norms that value strong enforcement. These findings have important implications for explaining regulatory outcomes and administrative behavior.  相似文献   
914.
Criminological research on legitimacy has focused almost exclusively on citizens’ normative assessment of legal authorities. However, this line of research neglects power-holders’ own assessment of their legitimacy or self-confidence in their moral validity of their claims to power. This paper examines the conditions on which prison officers as power-holders base their legitimacy claims. Data from semi-structured interviews and observation of prison officers in Ghana shows that prison officers in Ghana exude high power-holder legitimacy underpinned by favourable assessment of their “self-” and “perceived audience” legitimacy in the eyes of prisoners. While officers’ self-legitimacy was underpinned in their legal status (e.g., legality) and the uniforms (e.g., state insignia), perceived legitimacy was anchored in officers’ maintenance of authority via self-discipline, good and close officer–prisoner relationships, respect for prisoners as humans, and professional competence or making a difference in the lives of prisoners.  相似文献   
915.
Abstract

Cyber technology, both explicitly and implicitly, impacts every facet of local, state, national and international criminal justice operations. Unfortunately, technological changes, including cyber technologies, are rarely well thought out and may have unintended negative consequences. Additionally technology, and particularly cyber technology, evolves at a much faster pace than our understanding of the ethics, laws and policies involved. Consequently, citizens, criminals and justice professionals often rely on technology without the benefit of legal protections or explicit agency policy. This paper will examine how technology, both historically (non cyber) and contemporarily (cyber), has positively and negatively affected one aspect of the Criminal Justice enterprise – law enforcement.  相似文献   
916.
Enhancing the role of national parliaments in the European Union’s decision-making process has for some time been a popular way in which policy-makers have sought to address legitimacy problems in the European Union, the Early Warning Mechanism being only one example. In response to these developments, an increasing number of scholars have addressed the question of how parliaments make use of these powers in practice. An important dimension of the process – the role of parliamentary officials in parliamentary scrutiny and control – has so far been neglected in the literature. Against this background, this article examines the role of the representatives of national parliaments in the European Parliament with the aim of understanding the role and the nature of this ‘bureaucratic network’. While falling short of an epistemic community, these officials play an important role in enabling parliamentary scrutiny through the dissemination of information.  相似文献   
917.
918.
This article addresses the nature of transatlantic relations between Brazil and Namibia in the last two decades and argues that, in stark contrast with any other relationship regarding the African continent, Brazil's motivation in deepening ties with Namibia was largely built upon an extensive military-to-military cooperation partnership. By focusing on long-standing bureaucratic interests, the article demonstrates how Brazilian–Namibian relations were driven over the years by strategic affinities, business opportunities made available by the security sectors of both countries and, more recently, growing concerns over the sovereignty of their respective maritime areas in tandem with renewed interest for security developments within the the South Atlantic region.  相似文献   
919.
This article tracks the European Union’s efforts at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum (ARF), from 2004 to 2008, to encourage Myanmar directly or indirectly to engage in security cooperation. It, then, explores Myanmar and ASEAN's reactions to the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis to Myanmar’s Irrawaddy delta in 2008. It focuses on ARF as a forum whereby interactions take place. It examines whether the complementary of the analytical variables provided by the logic of consequences and appropriateness [March, J.G. and Olsen, J.P., 1998. The institutional dynamics of international political orders. Oslo, Arena Working Paper No. 5; 2004. The logic of appropriateness. Oslo, Arena Working Paper No. 9], social mechanisms [Checkel, J., 1999. Social construction and integration. Journal of European public policy, 6 (4), 545–560.] and observations derived from interviews (Southeast Asia and Brussels) can explain ASEAN and Myanmar’s reactions and, also, the EU’s behaviour in relation to the Myanmar-Nargis event. The EU’s role is explored through the co-chair’s summary reports of the meetings that the EU co-chaired with ASEAN. The article uncovers the EU’s efforts to encourage ASEAN to take up responsibilities and Myanmar to accept multilateral security options. It argues that, as the EU tried to inspire Myanmar to connect with cooperation, “Myanmar hit by Cyclone Nargis” motivated the EU Council to include the "responsibility to protect" as a new goal of the European foreign and security policy of December 2008.  相似文献   
920.
共识是国际关系研究和实践中的一个重要概念,既有国际合作理论和战略理论研究等均将共识作为合作的基本条件或潜在假定之一,而在国际关系实践中将追求、落实和巩固共识作为一项基本的外交目标和合作实践。在共识的主体间认知分析基础上,国际共识的类型可以细化为真实共识与部分/虚假共识、消极共识与积极共识等范畴。基于共识的层次分析,塑造共识既成为国际合作的重要基础和条件,也是国际冲突消解的一种重要方式和途径,而部分共识或虚假共识具有重要的国际合作促进作用,同样在特定条件下它也能引发、激化和升级国际冲突。部分共识或虚假共识的国际合作与冲突辩证效应以及消极共识的冲突效应均成为共识的国际战略效应理论分析的核心内容。基于多层次的共识类型分析,共识的国际战略心理学研究包括合作与冲突的效应讨论。共识的国际战略效应分析能够重构共识与国际合作、共识与国际冲突的理论逻辑,对于分析和辨析国际关系中的共识实践具有重要的政策启示。  相似文献   
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