东亚非传统安全挑战与合作应对

近年来,东亚地区的非传统安全的挑战日益突出,严重影响东亚地区民众的人身安全和各国的经济发展和社会稳定。东亚各国政府致力于加强合作,集体应对各种非传统安全问题。     

东南亚地区非传统安全合作机制架构与中国的策略思考

在东南亚地区的非传统安全合作中,存在3个层次的合作机制。东盟主导下的非传统安全合作机制,深化缓慢,执行乏力,主要扮演着合作的倡导者和规划者的角色;成员国间的双边或多边小范围合作机制是东盟合作计划的实施者,但合作领域单一,能力有限;区外西方大国主导的双边或多边合作机制,将传统安全与非传统安全合作相结合,发展迅速。这3个层次的非传统安全合作机制既相互支持,又相互竞争。面对东南亚非传统安全合作机制的独特架构,中国需进行策略思考。     

推进行政执法改革,提升地方政府合法性

在社会转型期,任何一种政治体系都不同程度地面临着合法性危机问题.传统的行政执法方式严重地制约着地方政府合法性的提升、与社会主义和谐社会建设目标相背离.因此,推进行政执法改革,是解决地方政府合法性危机的关键.     

我国执行程序模式选择及完善-以执行标的为视角展开

执行程序是继审判程序之后实现判决给付内容的重要程序。执行程序模式历来就有当事人进行主义和职权进行主义的划分,前者以法国执行程序为代表,后者以德国执行程序的规定为典型。我国现行执行程序的模式定位出现了一定的脱离实际的偏差,是造成“执行难”的重要原因之一。执行模式的恰当定位能对解决“执行难”问题起着不可忽视的作用。然而执行程序模式的定位不应该仅仅根据比较法的视野来确定,更恰当的方式是根据执行程序本身内容进行分析,具体根据不同种类的执行标的进行划分。我们应通过对执行标的分析讨论,来确定直接执行与间接执行哪种方式更恰当,进而来确定不同执行程序的内容构成,以此探讨我国的执行程序模式定位。     

公安高校校局合作工作机制建设探讨

公安高校与公安机关的长期合作,取决于双方利益平衡点的寻找与把握,而能否使合作产生最大效益,则取决于长期合作中双方逐步探索建立的各种机制。因此,要推动和保障校局合作工作的有效开展,需要建立完善的互利共赢机制、激励机制、约束机制、沟通协调机制及保障机制等。     

Meeting the enemy: American exceptionalism and international law

Howard Zinn has been classified in a number of ways for his many social contributions. However, despite the breadth of his work, he has never been considered a criminologist. It is likely that this is the result of the inaccurate perceptions many Americans have about crime being a predominantly street‐level social problem. Zinn maintains that the social harms caused by those in positions of political and economic power are in fact crimes against humanity that are far more destructive and violent than the actions our legal system has historically deemed criminal. He also points to the ways our criminal justice system is unjust and ineffective, and has demonstrated how social inequality ensures that the disadvantaged will be further subordinated by the criminal justice system. Zinn’s critical contributions about the most significant sources of social harm, the unjust nature of the American justice system, and the influence of social inequality offer an unorthodox criminological perspective that deserves special consideration. His unconventional criminology calls for increasing social justice by means of political dissent, social resistance, and civil disobedience.     

Shifts in police–informant negotiations

This paper examines the impact of increasing criminal cooperation programmes for police handler–informant relationships. Over the last two decades, many countries have introduced policies to regulate the use of criminal informants and defendants who agree to provide information or testimony in exchange for financial incentives, protection, and leniency. Many researchers assume this trend has no bearing on the relationship between the handler and the informant. Following this assumption, they maintain that agreements made with criminal trade participants are still informally negotiated and unsupervised. I investigate this oversight, drawing on data obtained from in-depth interviews with handlers and informants. Findings from this fieldwork illustrate that, in order to compensate for weakening of their discretionary power, police officers are developing new deceptive tactics in dealing with informants. Furthermore, the increasingly institutionalised use of informants has given handlers a false sense of security. Informants gain skills and knowledge from their relationship with handlers, which they can use to undermine the handler's authority.     

Human trafficking: the need for human rights and government effectiveness in enforcing anti-trafficking

Human trafficking constitutes a global problem. Involving exploitation of individuals through forced labour, sex, or organ removal, trafficking is an egregious human rights violation and illegal in many countries. Although laws have arisen to combat trafficking, it has persisted and inconsistent enforcement of anti-trafficking measures has been a concern. Using new data on trafficking, the enforcement patterns of 168 countries from 2001 to 2011 are examined. Findings suggest enforcement is predicted by the interaction of states’ world culture ties and government effectiveness, trafficking flows, and other state-level political mechanisms. Theoretically important factors, such as female legislators or various economic measures, are insignificant.     

Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation in EU Affairs and the Austrian Parliament: Empowering the Opposition?

This article takes up recent arguments to strengthen national parliamentary powers in EU decision-making through inter-parliamentary cooperation. By widening the analytical focus from parliaments to the cooperation amongst the parties within parliaments, it seeks to advance the debate in two respects. First, the article aims at providing a more accurate picture about the cooperation going on today. Second, it discusses why the amount of, and the benefits gained from inter-parliamentary cooperation may vary between parties and therefore cooperation may not only affect the power relations between national parliaments and non-parliamentarian actors, but also those within parliaments. Based on the results of a study of the Austrian parliament it is argued that inter-parliamentary cooperation (a) is more important for opposition parties than for governing parties but that (b) parties can make use of its full potential only when their ideology allows them to integrate into a European party network.     

Policing and the Feeling of Safety: the Rise (and Fall?) of Community Policing in the Nordic Countries

A major trend in the Nordic countries is the increasing focus on citizens' perceptions of safety, the enhancement of which is seen as a task for the police. One way to accomplish this has been the introduction of proximity policing. Existing research on the subject from all the Nordic countries is evaluated, with special focus on a comprehensive evaluation of a Danish experiment. The evaluations demonstrate that the concept of proximity policing has had limited success, and it has been abandoned in Finland and Norway. The article concludes by offering some explanations for the lack of success, among these the high level of perceived safety already present in the Nordic countries, the lack of causal relation between police visibility and citizens' perception of safety, and the lack of tradition for citizen involvement in the Nordic welfare states.