Acts of Faith: Churches and Political Engagement

Many observers suggest that white evangelical Protestant churches serve to mobilize their members into politics, while others argue that they encourage withdrawal from political life. This paper reconciles these two claims. I hypothesize that the time members of evangelical Protestant denominations spend in service to their church comes at the expense of participation in the wider community, contrary to the way mainline Protestant and Catholic churches foster civic activity among their members. However, I further hypothesize that the tight social networks formed through this intensive church activity can at times facilitate rapid and intense political mobilization. Data from the Citizen Participation Study supports the first hypothesis, while applying King's method of ecological inference to two elections in Alabama supports the second.     

公民环境权的生成与合理定位

公民环境权的合理定位与配置,对于保障环境法秩序的实现有着重要意义。本文试从公民环境权的生成问题入手,否定了公民环境权为环境行政权的“衍生形态”或“反射性利益”的错误认识,提出公民环境权作为一种人生而应有的权利,其法定化将对公民的“偏好”及环境行政权的合理化有重大作用。由此提出公民环境权并非“环境权私权化”的产物,而是天然地归属于一种社会性权利,这是由环境的物品属性决定的,同时也将对其权利的保护与救济产生重大影响。     

Corporate interests and public affairs: organised business–government relations in EU member states

The internationalisation of economic and political affairs changes the way in which business interests are brought to bear on public policy. This is a global phenomenon but can, in particular, be observed in Europe. The construction of the European Union, the development of the Single Market and the build‐up of the policy institutions to go with it, together change business–government relations profoundly. This paper answers the question of how organised business interests relate to government agencies and political institutions. By using the example of trade associations in the Netherlands and Germany, the paper shows that, despite the internationalisation of public affairs in Europe, the national political level remains strategically important for the representation of business interests. The paper thus argues that changes in European business–government relations are institutionally embedded at both the European and the national level. The implication for future research is that much of the dynamics of economic and political internationalisation materialises within the domestic arrangements of interest politics. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

Mexicans react to electoral fraud and political corruption: an assessment of public opinion and voting behavior

Despite various electoral reforms enacted in Mexico between 1988 and 1994, large numbers of Mexicans doubted the honesty of elections and the general integrity of their country's policy making process. Such doubts did not automatically lead, however, to support for opposition parties that called for greater democratization. Rather, voter preferences were largely dependent on judgments about the opposition's viability and competence. Widespread suspicions about fraud and corruption in Mexico did affect electoral outcomes by making it less likely that potential opposition supporters turned out to vote. Data are drawn from seven national public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico in 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994 (3 polls), and 1995.     

中国妇女参政十年回顾与评估

该文对于1995年至2005年的中国妇女参政进行回顾评估,从四个方面展开:第一,将十年妇女参政置于解放后的历史背景下,描述加强制定性别保障政策的意义和实践。第二,发现女性民主参与对我国公共政策推进的价值。第三,与国际社会妇女参政进行比较,与我国民主党派进行比较,分析这十年妇女参政停滞不前的状况和原因。第四,分析参政女性在权力结构中的边缘地位,认为导致女性政治参与更多表现出的是非权力的外围参与,对公共政策的影响效果有限。     

新型环境伦理观对完善我国环境立法的影响

在市场经济条件下,经济利益与生态建设的矛盾已经日益呈现。本文拟通过对新型环境伦理观的介绍,并在分析我国现行环境立法基本状况的基础上,寻求这种伦理观与生态环境立法之间的关系,从而对完善环境立法体系,保护生态环境有所裨益。     

环境污染刑事案件中严格责任与推定原则问题探讨

污染环境刑事案件中对于行为人的主观过错以及客观行为与损害后果之间因果关系的认定存在着很大的困难.笔者主张严格责任原则不足取法,但应当采用过错推定原则认定主观过错.同时,在排除有罪推定的前提下,适用环境民事侵权诉讼中的因果关系推定原则,以使污染环境的犯罪能够得到及时有效的惩治,但也要进行严格限制适用.     

情境犯罪预防的原理与实践

情境预防的理论根基包括三个方面 :理性选择理论、日常活动理论、环境犯罪学理论。情境预防的基本措施包括五个方面 :提高犯罪难度、提高犯罪风险、降低犯罪回报、减少犯罪刺激、排除犯罪借口。借鉴这一理论与实践措施 ,对我国犯罪预防有积极的意义     

The Making of a Corporatist State in Hong Kong: The Road to Sectoral Intervention

Extant Hong Kong studies have under-stated the corporatist nature of the Hong Kong state. From the 1980s, as part of its political strategy, the Chinese government had helped to build a corporatist state in Hong Kong that incorporated various sectoral elites, leading to a change in the role of the state after 1997. Through an empirical study of the behaviour of functional constituency legislators and policy outputs after 1997, this article shows that the functional constituencies as a corporatist structure introduced many sector-oriented demands. These sectoral representatives lobbied for favourable polices, increased representation for their sectors, and more state resources. This drove the post-1997 Hong Kong state to sectoral intervention, as resources were diverted to selected sectors, creating new legitimacy problems for the regime.     

中国大气保护公共支出的绩效评价——基于各地区环境数据的比较分析

对我国各省的大气环保支出的绩效进行评价表明,大气公共支出绩效的提高与地方环保机关的工作水平和工作效率紧密相关。在客观条件一定的情况下,地方环保部门是能够通过自身效率的提高来促进大气环境的改善。