全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1833篇 |
免费 | 76篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 206篇 |
工人农民 | 38篇 |
世界政治 | 118篇 |
外交国际关系 | 314篇 |
法律 | 202篇 |
中国共产党 | 135篇 |
中国政治 | 138篇 |
政治理论 | 468篇 |
综合类 | 290篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 20篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 26篇 |
2020年 | 59篇 |
2019年 | 63篇 |
2018年 | 78篇 |
2017年 | 83篇 |
2016年 | 105篇 |
2015年 | 65篇 |
2014年 | 102篇 |
2013年 | 391篇 |
2012年 | 123篇 |
2011年 | 87篇 |
2010年 | 78篇 |
2009年 | 99篇 |
2008年 | 89篇 |
2007年 | 74篇 |
2006年 | 71篇 |
2005年 | 77篇 |
2004年 | 83篇 |
2003年 | 53篇 |
2002年 | 28篇 |
2001年 | 28篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1909条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
Michele Mioni 《Labor History》2016,57(2):277-297
The purpose of this article is to analyse how the Italian socialist movement viewed the social reforms of the Attlee Labour government introduced just after the Second World War. The intention is to study the extent and limits of the labour influence on Italian socialism. The Labour Party made the re-founding of a new interclass social pact, a universal matter intending to meet the needs of both the working and middle classes. The Italian socialist movement monitored the Labour government’s changes with interest, assessing them from two different perspectives. The reformist wing had a better grasp of the political–ideological implications of Labour’s approach to the welfare state. Vice versa, the majority of the Italian socialists pursued a class socialism and a strong alliance with the Communist Party, rejecting the Labour social policy model. After the split of 1947, however, the two views of Italian socialism failed to develop and implement a political programme for a welfare state based on the British universalistic tendency model. The political weaknesses of Italian socialist organizations in the field of social policy contributed to the characterization of the Italian welfare state in the post-war period and fundamentally delayed its universalistic implementation, at least until the 1960s. 相似文献
42.
Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002 Turkey has undergone double regime transitions. First, tutelary democracy ended; second, a competitive authoritarian regime has risen in its stead. We substantiate this assertion with specific and detailed evidence from 2015 election cycles, as well as from broader trends in Turkish politics. This evidence indeed confirms that elections are no longer fair; civil liberties are being systematically violated; and the playing field is highly skewed in favour of the ruling AKP. The June 2015 election results and their aftermath further confirm that Turkey has evolved into a competitive authoritarian regime. 相似文献
43.
Claudio Balderacchi 《Contemporary Politics》2016,22(2):164-177
The participatory innovations of the last few decades, particularly in Latin America, seem to suggest that the establishment of more participatory democracies is possible. However, limitations have characterized important participatory experiences. While the Bolivian, Ecuadorian, and Venezuelan attempts to promote popular participation have produced both positive and negative effects, some of these participatory experiences’ limitations are useful to highlight more general problems and contradictions that seem to be inherently associated with the establishment of participatory democracy in poorly functioning liberal democracies and in exclusionary and unequal societies. This analysis suggests that, paradoxically, the establishment of effective and inclusive participatory institutions may be less feasible where participatory mechanisms appear, at first glance, as most needed and promising. 相似文献
44.
Hakkı Taş 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(4):776-791
Guillermo O’Donnell’s influential work ‘Delegative Democracy’ set the discourse on a peculiar type of democracy. Lying between representative democracy and authoritarianism, the uniqueness of delegative democracy lies in its features, including an absence of horizontal accountability, strong centralised rule, individual leadership with unchecked powers, a cult figure embodying the nation and clientelist practices. While delegative democracies seem to arise out of presidential systems, Turkey, though a parliamentary system, has also displayed the distinctive features of delegative democracies. This paper identifies three characteristics of delegative democracy, which are responsible for the lack of democratic consolidation, if not the erosion of democracy itself: anti-institutionalism, an anti-political agenda and clientelism. Arguing that delegative democracy is the best concept with which to examine contemporary Turkey, the paper lays out how, post-2011, Turkey has demonstrated the three elements of delegative democracy. The final section discusses the implications of the Turkish case for scrutinising the very possibility of delegative democracy in parliamentary regimes. 相似文献
45.
Jonathan DeVore 《The Journal of peasant studies》2015,42(6):1201-1223
This contribution draws on Nancy Fraser's concept of ‘participatory parity’ to analyze the reproduction and contestation of inequalities internal to land reform settlements affiliated with the Landless Rural Workers’ Movement (MST) located in the cacao lands of southern Bahia, Brazil. These inequalities are variously manifest in unequal control over land and legal documents, disparities in status and what Fraser calls ‘voice'. These circumstances help account for quantitative evidence that shows a strong preference among local landless populations for land reform organizations that are more decentralized and less hierarchically organized. These circumstances also motivate direct actions undertaken by grassroots MST settlers seeking to destabilize the conditions that ground these inequalities. This research highlights the importance of attending to local histories and interactions through which participatory disparities are christened and reproduced; indicates potential methodological consequences; and examines the interplay of transgressive action, dialogue and recognition as settlers struggle to bring about ‘participatory parity' – or what they might call genuine ‘friendships' – in their communities. 相似文献
46.
以法学基本理论为依据,采用比较研究的方法,辨析了国际法的基本属性.国际法具有法的一般性质--规范性和强制性.国际法比国内法具有更显著的平等性和民主性.无论作为法的一个部门,还是作为一个法律体系,国际法都是独立的. 相似文献
47.
王凤云 《湖北警官学院学报》2006,19(3):90-92
高校图书馆管理事关其职能的发挥与图书馆事业发展的进程,只有提高高校图书馆的民主管理能力、依法管理能力、科学管理能力,才能提高其综合管理能力,才能促进其全面、协调、可持续发展 相似文献
48.
曹吴清 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2006,21(2):24-27
当陪审制以其"伟大的"民主的象征征服了渴望民主的世界人民的时候,各国纷纷效仿,在世界范围内逐渐形成了英美法系的陪审团制度和大陆法系的参审制度.我国70年来不断努力想保留这张美丽的民主外衣,但结局是令人尴尬的,陪审制在中国到底何去何从? 相似文献
49.
和谐校园视域下的高校民主政治建设 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
民主政治是和谐校园的基础和保障。和谐校园下的高校民主政治建设应从三个方面来实现,即:加强高校党的执政能力,民主治校,依法治校;拓展民主渠道,实现决策科学化、民主化;完善民主机制,实现决策的制度化、规范化和程序化。 相似文献
50.
Katharine N. Rankin Andrea J. Nightingale Pushpa Hamal Tulasi S. Sigdel 《The Journal of peasant studies》2018,45(2):280-299
This paper explores the political field that has opened up in the wake of the recent civil war in Nepal. We focus on cultural-political developments in agrarian districts, where some of the most intriguing openings, and indeed the most pernicious closures, can be witnessed (as opposed to the national-state restructuring that commands more media and popular attention). Our research asks what spaces open up in the emerging political field at the district scale to entrench or transform dominant cultural codes and sedimented histories of socio-economic inequality. Preliminary research identifies specific sectors of local governance that have emerged as significant sites of struggle over the shape and meaning of ‘democracy’, namely forest management and infrastructure development. The primary contribution of the paper lies in specifying an analytical approach to the study of ‘post-conflict’ governance at the local scale via three conceptual terrains of inquiry – governance and planning, political subjectivity, and cultural politics. The ultimate objective is to develop a framework for assessing the conditions of possibility for a democratic restructuring of economy and society to accompany the official political institutions of liberal democracy. 相似文献