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491.
社会工业化的发展,促进了传统农业与其他产业领域的相互渗透与融合,加速了农工复合型产业的发育与成长。该文指出大力构筑与发展跨行业、集约化与多元化经营的农工复合型企业集群,可以利用现代工业驱动农业发展、消除城乡二元经济结构、缓解“三农”问题、加速城乡一体化进程;可以加速构筑以现代生物产业为重点的战略产业体系,培育绿色、低碳与循环经济的增长点,实现经济、社会与生态效益的统筹兼顾,维持中国社会经济可持续发展。 相似文献
492.
随着网络及相关技术的不断发展,构建有序的网络民主参与路径,成为社会主义政治文明建设和国家治理现代化的重要方面。文章论述了网络民主参与具有提高公众参与国家事务积极性、提高网民政治素养和道德觉悟、推动国家治理体系和治理能力现代化等伦理意义。讨论了当前网络民主参与存在少数网民网络民主参与的理性不足、在一些舆情发展过程中缺乏有效地舆论引导能力等问题,并认为网络政治伦理体系建设的滞后等是导致各种问题的主要原因之一。提出培育网民公共理性,加强和完善舆论引导能力,特别是构建具有中国特色的网络政治伦理体系,可从根本上解决网络民主参与的诸多问题,筑造网络民主参与的有效路径,推进国家治理现代化。 相似文献
493.
尚必武 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2013,1(1):23-32
易卜生的诗剧《培尔·金特》是一则关于斯芬克斯因子的不同组合与变化的寓言,展示了理性意志、自由意志和非理性意志之间的伦理冲突.培尔的“白日梦”是其兽性因子的表达与彰显,培尔的“出行”是对伦理责任的逃逸和规避,是其理性意志处于蒙昧状态、非理性意志肆意膨胀的体现;培尔的“归家”是其理性意识得到提升,克服非理性意志,摆脱兽性因子,向人性因子靠拢的选择,最终成为与兽相区别的、伦理的存在.本文紧扣“白日梦”“出行”“归家”三条伦理主线,通过逐一解构伦理选择、伦理身份、伦理意识等若干伦理结,来试图剖析易卜生蕴含在作品深处的道德旨趣:在受到道德指引、遵守道德准则的情况下,人的理性意志就会增强,人性因子得以彰显,人会成为一种伦理的存在;如果缺乏伦理意识,违背道德准则,缺乏道德指引,人的非理性意志就会占据上风,兽性因子就会失控,人就会误入歧途,实施伦理犯罪,引发伦理混乱. 相似文献
494.
The intolerance of, and discrimination against, gays and lesbians is not a new concept. Yet, as many parts of the world have begun to socially and legally recognize gay rights, in many ways, the USA has lagged behind. An overview of past and present lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender social and criminal justice within the USA are presented. Also, specific recommendations are made for the future in an effort to put an end to this last acceptable prejudice. 相似文献
495.
Sylvain Brouard 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):246-260
Until now, political science has focused mainly on institutions or political actors and much less on the content of politics, the issues political actors and institutions deal with. Based on the seminal work of Jones and Baumgartner ((2005), The politics of attention: How government prioritises problems. Chicago: University of Chicago Press), the article will study MPs' issue attention in Parliament and will investigate the source of punctuation in attention allocation. Even if a growing literature is dedicated to this issue, the two main sources of friction – cognition and institution – have not yet been directly tested. Based on an exhaustive database of the parliamentary questions in the French National Assembly between 1988 and 2007, the paper will focus on the dynamics of issue attention in the parliamentary questions at three levels to show that: the general punctuation hypothesis is valid for the parliamentary question agendas; the comparison between the levels of punctuation of the institutionally unconstrained written question agenda and the institutionally constrained question to government agenda is consistent with the idea that higher institutional friction induces higher punctuation in attention allocation; and the dynamics of issue attention in the parliamentary question agendas at the individual level exhibit strong patterns of cognitive friction. 相似文献
496.
Alison Plumb 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(4):574-584
This research note examines patterns of MPs’ voting behaviour during ‘conscience’ or ‘free’ votes on three ‘morality politics’ issues in the lower house of the New South Wales state parliament in Australia: adoption rights for gay couples; scientists’ use of therapeutic cloning; and the status of the Sydney Medically Supervised Injection Centre. First, the research note reviews the literature on conscience voting and hypothesises that party will be the main predictor of voting patterns, but also establishes that previous studies have almost exclusively focused on national legislatures. Next the research note discusses methodological issues. Third, it presents the analysis of free vote patterns in the New South Wales parliament on the three ‘morality politics’ issues, along four key variables: party; sex; social ideology; and religion. The analysis of voting in the New South Wales parliament challenges existing explanations of free voting, where party is the key predictor of voting patterns. Intra-party unity figures show that party membership is a weaker predictor of voting behaviour in the two main political parties in New South Wales than in either the Australian parliament or in overseas parliaments. It is argued that at the subnational level other factors are more important in explanations of free vote patterns. 相似文献
497.
Mark C. Thompson 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):323-343
The term globalization, encompassing politico-economic and socio-cultural aspects, is widely used to describe the results of rapid modernization on Saudi Arabia in an era of rapid societal transformation. Whilst the outward signs of increased globalization in the Kingdom are highly visible, the underlying effects particularly in terms of the politico-economic and socio-cultural less so. Indeed, globalization is often characterized as inevitable or unstoppable. Yet, in a ‘globalized’ Saudi Arabia the impact of globalization is not always perceived as being positive, in particular its impact on notions of individual, national or Islamic identities. Research conducted for this article demonstrates that young Saudi men identify clearly both positive and negative effects of globalization on identity narratives, whether individual, national or Islamic. Indeed, the issue of how young Saudi men negotiate their identity in light of increased globalization raises important questions regarding the consequences of increased globalization on young Saudi men's sense of their own identity, and by extension the government's promotion of an officially sanctioned Saudi national identity, in an era of rapid societal transformation. 相似文献
498.
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500.
应当对黑社会组织犯罪的特点和防治对策进行专门研究,提供有效的方案最大限度地防止黑社会组织和黑社会组织犯罪在我国大陆境内的产生,解决在适用法律中出现的领域和法域的冲突,解决对大陆居民参加大陆境外黑社会组织的行为的定性问题。 相似文献