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91.
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《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2012,23(2):239-255
Abstract Under s.2(2)b of the Criminal Justice Act 1991 crown courts have the power to give violent and sexual offenders custodial sentences longer than would be justified by the seriousness of the offence if this is necessary to protect the public from serious harm. In this study, the first 35 Appeal Court hearings involving this power are examined. In 22 of these cases, psychiatric evidence was available, as required under statute, where the offender was, or appeared to be, mentally disordered, in order to exclude medical disposal. Sentencing guidance arising from these Appeal Court decisions has held that psychiatric opinion evidence is relevant in determining the applicability of s.2(2)b. Particularly significant, in the Appeal Court's view, are certain features of personality, untreatability and psychiatrists' opinions regarding risk of serious harm. The boundaries of admissible psychiatric opinion evidence and the possible implications for psychiatrists giving evidence at the sentencing phase are discussed. 相似文献
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徐信责 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2012,3(3):40-44
在民事诉讼中,“证明妨碍”行为时有发生。为了实现司法正义,必须加强对这种行为的规制。现代“证明妨碍”制度并非在我国自然生长,它源自英国,因此,须对“证明妨碍”制度之生成、概念与要件充分了解,并对当下我国“证明妨碍”理论与实践进行深刻反思的基础上,以探求“证明妨碍”制度在我国构建之径路。 相似文献
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Heike Hermanns 《Asian Politics & Policy》2015,7(2):265-282
Nuclear energy continues to be a major component of South Korean energy policy, despite the nuclear accident in Fukushima and several incidents in domestic nuclear power plants in 2011. There is growing unease among the Korean public regarding the safety of nuclear energy, but these grievances do not translate into demands for policy changes. This article introduces how different actors and their preferences affected the public agenda related to nuclear energy, comparing the protests against a nuclear waste storage facility in Buan County in 2003 and 2004 with the reactions to the Fukushima accident and domestic incidents in more recent years. Using agenda‐setting theory, this article aims to shed light on the dynamics of these events on actors, the decision‐making processes and the reasons for the lack of concerted effort by citizens and civic groups to demand changes in the country's energy policies. 相似文献
95.
Mohammad Soltaninejad 《Asian Politics & Policy》2015,7(3):455-475
The interim nuclear agreement between Iran and the United States (under Iran‐P5 + 1 umbrella) in November 2013 revived attention to the problem of the Iran‐U.S. conflict and its resolution. The key issues to understand are: first, the reasons for the start of nuclear dispute resolution between Iran and the United States despite failure of all the past reconciliation initiatives; and second, the agreement's implications for overall conflict resolution between the two countries. Relying on the “ripeness theory” and its development in response to criticisms, the central argument of the article is that the start of direct negotiations and efforts of Iran and the United States to reach agreement over the nuclear dispute is due to ripeness of the overall Iran‐U.S. conflict as a result of a nuclear “asymmetric hurting stalemate.” Explaining the factors that disrupt normalization of relations under conditions of ripeness, the article presents four scenarios for the future of Iran‐U.S. relations. 相似文献
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In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C. on September 11, 2001, U.S. government and military leaders often articulated distinctly pro-American themes in their public communications. We argue that this national identity discourse was at the heart of the U.S. government's attempt to unite the American public and to mobilize support for the ensuing \"war on terrorism.\" With this perspective, we content analyzed Time and Newsweek newsmagazines for the five weeks following September 11 to identify potential communication strategies employed by government and military leaders to promote a sense of U.S. national identity. Findings suggest (a) that government and military officials consistently emphasized American core values and themes of U.S. strength and power while simultaneously demonizing the \"enemy,\" and (b) that journalists closely paralleled these nationalist themes in their language. 相似文献
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Greg Bond 《Negotiation Journal》2013,29(3):315-328
The International Commercial Mediation Competition is organized by the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Paris, which held the event for the eighth time in February 2013. As the competition has grown, participation has become more and more diverse and thus mediation and negotiation have become more and more cross‐cultural. This led the ICC to invite external research on culture at the competition in February 2011. In this article, I discuss this student competition, the external research project question, and the culture of the competition. I also identify some of the further cultural issues raised by referring to relevant research on conflict and mediation across cultures, and conclude with some thoughts on how better to conceptualize the field of cross‐cultural mediation in terms of a systems approach. 相似文献