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151.
While many developing countries experience a short period of economic boom and then spiral quickly into periods of deficit, currency fluctuation, and indebtedness, China has been able to sustain rapid economic growth and maintain solid fiscal capacity for the past 30 years, even during the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s and the global recession in the beginning of the 21st century. This article examines three key strategies behind China's fiscal success — its flexibility in adapting tax policies to the changing economic and social conditions, its success in realigning the intergovernmental fiscal relationship in 1994 and forcing subnational governments to become more entrepreneurial in revenue generation, and its pursuit of institutional reforms since the mid‐1990s to improve the government's capacity in budgeting and financial management. The article evaluates the implications of the Chinese experience for other developing countries and discusses the future challenges of fiscal reforms in China. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
152.
Thomas Kalinowski 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):244-270
AbstractThis paper contributes to the understanding of East Asian capitalism by investigating the political economy of crisis management in Japan, Korea and China during the global economic crisis. Reacting to the global shock of the economic crisis that began in 2008, East Asian capitalism has remained a distinct state-led model that differs substantially from the liberal, neo-corporatist or welfare state varieties of capitalism in the West. More specifically, this paper studies the fiscal stimulus packages implemented by East Asian countries to address the global financial crisis from 2008 to 2010. We find that East Asian fiscal stimulus packages were comparatively large and supply-side-oriented. Unlike in the West, where a (short-lived) revival of demand-side-oriented Keynesian strategies stimulating consumption could be observed, East Asian countries reinforced industrial policies and supported investment and international competitiveness. We argue that the East Asian variety of crisis management can largely be explained by a path-dependent transformation of the East Asian developmental state into a neo-developmental competition state. 相似文献
153.
Renato Ruffini 《美中公共管理》2013,(6):577-588
Transparency is a complex phenomenon characterised by aspects that can be linked and interpreted differently. In particular transparency is associated with information and participation. In order to better understand how to manage transparency in a municipality, the paper analyses the case of Venice that adopted a strong policy to increase citizen participation through information and communications technology (ICT). Starting with the idea that transparency is achieved only when perception of transparency between management and citizens (users) is aligned, the author has verified this alignment administering the same questionnaire separately to managers/officers and citizens. The author also analyses the alignment of perception for the different elements (motivation, issues, tools and relation) that administration has to manage to achieve transparency. The results show that for managing administration's transparency it is necessary to manage the "transparency triangle", i.e., addressing the information to a specific necessity of access to services or to citizen participation, with a different mix of high relational tools. 相似文献
154.
PATRICK DIAMOND 《The Political quarterly》2013,84(4):527-533
This article examines the work of the Fabian Society Commission on Future Spending Choices published in June 2013. The Commission is undoubtedly the most detailed and ambitious attempt by a centre‐left think‐tank to analyse the structure of UK public spending since Labour's 2010 defeat. The Commission makes an eloquent case for a strategic approach to UK public spending, filling the substantial void in thinking on the centre‐left since Labour's 2010 defeat. Inevitably, the proposals raise fundamental questions about the capacity of the British state and the constitutional framework of the UK political system to accommodate a long‐term, future‐orientated approach to public expenditure, which deserve to be properly aired and debated. 相似文献
155.
《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(48)
正$1.9 billion The net direct investment received by China’s financial institutions from overseas investors in the third quarter$100 million The number of loans that will be received by southwest China’s Guizhou Province from the World Bank over the next five years for rural development 相似文献
156.
This article investigates fiscal policy responses to the Great Recession in historical perspective. It explores general trends in the frequency, size and composition of fiscal stimulus as well as the impact of government partisanship on fiscal policy outputs during the four international recessions of 1980–1981, 1990–1991, 2001–2002 and 2008–2009. Encompassing 17–23 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, the analysis calls into question the idea of a general retreat from fiscal policy activism since the early 1980s. The propensity of governments to respond to economic downturns by engaging in fiscal stimulus has increased over time and no secular trend in the size of stimulus measures is observed. At the same time, OECD governments have relied more on tax cuts to stimulate demand in the two recessions of the 2000s than they did in the early 1980s or early 1990s. Regarding government partisanship, no significant direct partisan effects on either the size or the composition of fiscal stimulus is found for any of the four recession episodes. However, the size of the welfare state conditioned the impact of government partisanship in the two recessions of the 2000s, with left‐leaning governments distinctly more prone to engaging in discretionary fiscal stimulus and/or spending increases in large welfare states, but not in small welfare states. 相似文献
157.
Differences That Matter: Overcoming Methodological Nationalism in Comparative Social Policy Research
Scott Greer Heather Elliott Rebecca Oliver 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2015,17(4):408-429
AbstractWelfare states are often discussed as if they were territorially homogeneous state-wide institutions measurable by state-wide expenditure averages and explained by country-level variables. It is rare in comparative policy studies to investigate the role of territorial politics in the outcomes of even federal countries. This article argues, using social policy examples in the UK and US, that the impact of intergovernmental finance and division of labour profoundly shapes social investment and redistribution – producing almost as much expenditure variance within the US as within the OECD. The findings show the importance of incorporating territorial politics and intergovernmental arrangements into comparative welfare state and policy analysis. 相似文献
158.
Paul Bew 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(3):411-418
In his recent memoir, William Waldegrave wrote that no country run by John Major and Robin Butler was likely to be in much danger of systemic corruption. The fact remains that a quarter of a century ago, John Major, with the guidance and support of his cabinet secretary, decided to establish the Committee on Standards in Public Life under the chairmanship of Lord Nolan. The apparent prevalence of ‘sleaze’ issues in public life—most notably the ‘cash for questions’ scandals involving Tory MPs—provoked the decision. Lord Nolan's committee immediately enunciated seven principles of public life: honesty, accountability, integrity, selflessness, openness, opportunity and leadership. Over the years, many of the Committee's recommendations have been accepted. There is today vastly greater transparency. The principles have been widely accepted; it is clear the public expects that they should be observed by public servants, including, perhaps especially, MPs. Yet it is equally clear that there is a widespread and still deepening mood of public cynicism on standards matters. The Committee is determined to defend the Nolan principles, but without more help from the political class it will be like Mrs Nupkins in The Pickwick Papers: inculcating moral lessons of great importance and generally ignored. 相似文献
159.
Kristy Warren 《圆桌》2015,104(6):673-685
AbstractThis paper examines the context surrounding, and debates concerning, freedom of information-type legislation in the British Overseas Territory of Bermuda. It situates the law within a wider push by the British Government for good governance in the British Overseas Territories. It explores the expectation for more ‘open and transparent’ government held by international government organisations, the British Government, and the Bermudian electorate. It analyses the resultant political debates, which are framed by traditions of governance that encouraged secrecy and legacies of distrust between political parties formed soon after universal suffrage was introduced in the 1960s. It investigates the implementation of the Act in response to global, metropolitan and local pressures. 相似文献
160.
英国2007年出台的大伦敦当局法是一部形式意义大于实体意义的法,它包含了一套科学的向地方放权的法律技术。首先权力的下放严格遵循了公开、参与原则,确保了权力下放的程序合法性;其次,每一项放权都伴有管制影响评估,并有对特定利益的综合影响评估,为权力下放提供了技术正当性支持;最后,为保障下放的权力不被滥用.该法设计了多重监督机制,将法律在权力设置中的调控作用发挥得淋漓尽致。 相似文献