2004年美国大选对美国选举制度的影响

2004 年美国大选中技术构件的改进,提高了美国选举制度的可操作性和合理性;竞选开销创历史新高,加深了金钱政治对选举制度民主公平原则的侵蚀;候选人通过谎言和反面信息争取选票,违背了选举制度的诚信道德准则。     

检察机关派员列席审委会制度的反思与建构

从历史渊源考察看,检察机关派员列席审委会制度经历了"实践——虚置——实践"的循环型发展过程。当前检察机关派员列席审委会作为一项司法改革内容被提上实践日程,是在现行司法体制和司法环境下检、法两家对自身定位重新反思后做出的理性选择。该制度承载着强化审判活动监督、提高诉讼效率、降低诉讼成本的重要价值,这也是该项制度存在的正当性根据。当前这一制度实施,缺乏必要的法律保障和规范化制度建设,有必要对列席的人员范围、案件类型、列席人员的权利义务、列席程序启动予以具体规定。     

Owning the issue agenda: Party strategies and vote choices in British elections

Explanations of party competition and vote choice are commonly based on the Downsian view of politics: parties maximise votes by adopting positions on policy dimensions. However, recent research suggests that British voters choose parties based on evaluations of competence rather than on ideological position. This paper proposes a theoretical account which combines elements of the spatial model with the ‘issue ownership’ approach. Whereas the issue ownership theory has focused mainly on party competition, this paper examines the validity of the model from the perspective of both parties and voters, by testing its application to recent British general elections. Our findings suggest that as parties have converged ideologically, competence considerations have become more important than ideological position in British elections.     

一般债权作为质押标的可操作性的探讨

一般债权作为质押标的有其存在合理性和合法性,且允许转让.其条件是设定质押的债权必须具有可转让性;必须通知原债务人.为主债权清偿期已到,入质债权清偿期未至时,质权人只能首先向其债务人要求清偿.质权的行使仍需等到作为质押标的的一般债权届满方可.第三债权人可直接向第三债务人要求偿债,按物权优于债权原则,质权应首先得到实现.     

The range and limitation of sub-national regime variations under electoral authoritarianism: The case of Russia

ABSTRACT

As has been demonstrated by scholars, different levels of a polity may encompass different political regimes. In this study we examine variations in regional political regimes which have developed under Russia's system of electoral authoritarianism. Comparing the results of two cycles of regional assembly elections (2008–12 and 2013–17) we analyse and compare elections results and levels of electoral contestation in both the party list (PL) and single member district (SMD) contests. This allows us to identify the range of sub-national regime variations: ‘hegemonic authoritarian’, ‘inter-elite bargain authoritarian’, ‘clearly-competitive authoritarian’, and ‘moderately-competitive authoritarian’ regions. Approximately half of the regions demonstrate stable electoral patterns across both cycles. At the same time, none of the regions go beyond the authoritarian limitations imposed by the Russian regime. The variation is explained by a combination of structural and agency factors with a prevalence of the latter.     

EU issue voting and the 2014 European Parliament elections: a dynamic perspective

EU issue voting in European Parliament elections has been shown to be highly conditional upon levels of EU politicization. The present study analyzes this conditionality over time, hypothesizing that the effect of EU attitudes on EP vote preferences is catalyzed as EP elections draw closer. In contrast to extant cross-sectional post-election studies, we use a four-wave panel study covering the six months leading up to the Dutch EP elections of 2014, differentiating between party groups (pro, anti, mixed) and five EU attitude dimensions. We find that EU issue voting occurs for both anti- and pro-EU parties, but only increases for the latter. For mixed parties we find no effect of EU attitudes, yet their support base shifts in the anti-EU direction as the elections draw closer. The overarching image, however, is one of surprising stability: EU attitudes form a consistent part of EP voting motivations even outside EP election times.     

美国无救助义务规则的修正

无救助义务是美国传统侵权法上的一项重要规则。由于社会组织结构的精细化使人与人之间的关系更加紧密了,容易出现牵一发而动全身的局面,如果还任由人们对他人的困境无动于衷可能会造成无法挽回的严重后果,加之作为与不作为的区分越来越小,故美国选择了一条侵权过失责任的改良道路,主张不作为不应该成为被告承担过失责任的障碍。而美国的司法判例和立法经验也告诉我们,一般无救助义务规则正经受两方面的侵蚀:一是扩大特殊救助义务的范围;二是通过制定法律承认一般救助义务。     

A Resurgent Presidency? Portuguese Semi-Presidentialism and the 2016 Elections

This article analyses the Portuguese presidential elections of January 2016, setting these within the backdrop of recent semi-presidential practice in Portugal. The election took place in the context of an apparent hollowing of the presidency, a pattern that potentially reflects the bailout that marked most of the second term of the outgoing president, Cavaco Silva. This pattern also helps explain the second-order nature of this presidential election. Despite potentially being an ‘open’ election – in that the incumbent had reached term limits – the election was characterised by low citizen mobilisation, low partisan involvement and low competitiveness. The initial two months of the newly elected president, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, suggests he is seeking to invert this hollowing pattern by mobilising popular support behind the presidency.     

Thailand’s urbanized villagers and political polarization

Thailand currently suffers from high levels of political polarization; parties associated with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra have won every election since 2001, based partly on strong support from voters registered in the populous North and Northeast regions. Many of these voters are migrant workers who spend much of their time working in Greater Bangkok, yet remain legal residents of their home provinces. This article argues that Thailand’s political polarization could be reduced if many of these “urbanized villagers” either took up formal residence in the capital city, or were encouraged to share in the creation of new small-scale urban communities in their places of birth.     

公安院校大学生自我效能感与职业认同现状及相关性研究

为调查公安院校大学生自我效能感与职业认同现状并探讨其相关性,通过整群抽样法选取某公安院校3280名大学生,采用一般自我效能感量表和警察职业认同量表进行调查,结果显示:该公安院校大学生的一般自我效能感总分为(26.49±5.72)分,职业认同总分为(11.55±1.64)分;单因素分析显示,自我效能感总分、职业认同总分在...