国际公害物品的全球管理

本文提出了国际公害物品以及全球管理的概念,并试图构架全球管理的框架。全球管理主要通过各种国际制度发挥作用,其理念是增强各国政府自身的管理能力,并将国家、非国家行为体以及其他参与管理的行为体整合为一个整体,在全球管理的框架下研究制度设计是本课题的研究方向。     

谁在逼人民币升值

单纯的人民币升值不会解决全球贸易失衡问题。我国在进行金融制度改革时,应注意寻求最佳的政策组合,积极推进汇率市场化形成机制。     

全球治理法治化：一种对正当性的追问

一方面，全球治理被看作是治理在全球层面的拓展，这种主张把权威置于全球治理研究的核心，注意到国家对权威的垄断在以“去地域化”为特征的全球化时代受到了挑战。另一方面，全球治理表征了全球化的组织特征，体现了全球化的权力运作特别是权力在微观层面的运行，看到了人口作为治理的最终目的必然超越国家边界的特性。全球治理可以从事实进程、理念、权力网络和新型人类秩序四个方面进行理解，存在的问题在于秩序的正当性以及跨边界民主的缺失。寻找一种全球治理的规范性模式是对全球治理进行正当性论证的重要基础。法治是全球治理的一种规范性模式，能够为全球治理提供正当性论证。     

西方“技术联盟”组建的战略背景、目标与困境

美国因战略背景变化不断进行战略工具调试,其主导的西方"技术联盟"作为关键的战略遏制工具,曾经成功地限制了战略竞争对手的经济与技术进步。面对新历史环境下的战略博弈,美国再次谋求联合西方盟友组建新的排他性"技术联盟",并加大与战略对手在新技术维度的战略竞争与博弈力度。目前的全球技术结构特征、全球价值链的结构制约、欧美技术治理结构等多重矛盾因素,给"技术联盟"的建立及其战略有效性带来了新困境,但"技术联盟"作为一种战略工具,依旧可能是未来美国政府在"战略安全"语境下的优先战略选项。"技术联盟"扩散的"战略安全"逻辑阻碍了全球技术进步,并将催生全球技术格局的"隔离"状态,同时其外溢效应还可能包括瓦解全球价值链的潜在风险。     

技术民族主义对全球价值链的影响分析——以全球半导体产业为例

目前,由新技术引发的新一轮产业革命正推动全球政治经济权力结构发生重大调整,围绕新技术特别是影响下一代生产方式的关键技术的竞争呈加速态势。在此背景下,技术民族主义作为一种新的地缘政治思潮快速兴起,并与大国传统战略博弈叠加,驱动全球技术主导国美国对中国的战略认知改变和战略行动升级。美国对中国实施的全面技术封锁与技术遏制战略行动,以影响和破坏全球半导体价值链和产业链最为典型,影响了全球重要产业链的正常运转,压制了全球技术链协同,并对未来全球政治经济治理带来更多不确定性风险。     

新冠肺炎疫情对现代世界体系的影响 ——兼谈中国在全球治理体系重塑中的新作用

2020年全球暴发的新冠肺炎疫情对现代世界体系中的经济与政治均产生了重大影响,并加速了当今世界百年未有之大变局。自从人类社会进入资本主义阶段,现代世界体系便开始形成,并在百余年前发展成为全球性体系。这一体系内部始终存在着最为基本的两对矛盾——资本主义生产社会化与生产资料私有制之间的矛盾和主权国家与资本主义世界市场之间的矛盾,这两对基本矛盾推动了现代世界体系中的百年未有之大变局。新冠肺炎疫情对现代世界体系中的世界市场经济体系和以主权国家为主体的国际政治体系产生了冲击,加剧了世界经济动能转换以及国际格局和力量对比的深刻变化。在当今世界面临百年未有之大变局的时候,以中国为首的新兴大国在全球治理体系重塑中将发挥新的作用。     

The Global Capitalism School Tested in Asia: Transnational Capitalist Class vs Taking the State Seriously

Globalisation continues to stir debate. One burgeoning theoretical perspective is the “global capitalism school” (GCS), anchored around the writings of William Robinson. The GCS argues that globalisation marks a new epoch as nationally-based elites are no longer the central locus of power in world order with the rise of a “transnational capitalist class” (TCC). Jeb Sprague’s edited volume, Globalization and Transnational Capitalism in Asia and Oceania, is the first book-length study testing key tenets of the GCS in the Asia-Pacific, and therefore fills a crucial gap. In this review article, it is argued that this book does not overcome what I believe are some key theoretical and empirical problems in the GCS, from not taking the state seriously to a dearth of corporate ownership data to demonstrate the existence of a TCC. To argue this, the article draws upon chapters in the book itself that are critical of the GCS, as well as from empirical research on corporate ownership and nationality. Nevertheless, it is concluded that this book is essential reading for anyone interested in the GCS, as well as the broader theoretical implications and empirical impacts of globalisation in the Asia-Pacific region.     

Of Butchery and Bicycles: The WTO and the ‘Death’ of the Doha Development Agenda

The World Trade Organization's (WTO) Doha round is in trouble; but so is the way we talk about the institution and the negotiations. Economists, international lawyers, political scientists, practitioners and pundits alike have locked themselves into a deeply constraining and quite unhelpful way of talking and thinking about the WTO that has little to offer either the round or the Organization. Indeed, the way commentators have chosen to talk about the problems of the round, as well as the options for moving forward, may actually be compounding matters, reinforcing the likelihood that Doha will produce little, that future negotiations will continue to be dramatic and hard to conclude, and that inequitable outcomes will persist. My aim here is to shine a light on the bounded nature of the current debate with a view to agitating for a less constrained and more fruitful conversation about Doha, the WTO and beyond.     

论北京市地方立法的指导原则

地方立法是中国特色社会主义法律体系构造的一个重要环节,北京市的地方立法还具有引领国内地方立法的作用。北京市地方立法的指导原则包括国家立法法规定的一般立法原则和具有北京地方特色的地方性指导原则。北京市地方立法的地方性指导原则包括"首都特色原则"、"三个北京原则"、"中国特色世界城市原则"和"北京精神原则"。北京市地方立法应该正确处理"一般立法原则"与"地方性指导原则"之间的关系。     

Social change and social conflict in nineteenth century England: A comment

This article addresses the potential for food movements to bring about substantive changes to the current global food system. After describing the current corporate food regime, we apply Karl Polanyi's ‘double-movement’ thesis on capitalism to explain the regime's trends of neoliberalism and reform. Using the global food crisis as a point of departure, we introduce a comparative analytical framework for different political and social trends within the corporate food regime and global food movements, characterizing them as ‘Neoliberal’, ‘Reformist’, ‘Progressive’, and ‘Radical’, respectively, and describe each trend based on its discourse, model, and key actors, approach to the food crisis, and key documents. After a discussion of class, political permeability, and tensions within the food movements, we suggest that the current food crisis offers opportunities for strategic alliances between Progressive and Radical trends within the food movement. We conclude that while the food crisis has brought a retrenchment of neoliberalization and weak calls for reform, the worldwide growth of food movements directly and indirectly challenge the legitimacy and hegemony of the corporate food regime. Regime change will require sustained pressure from a strong global food movement, built on durable alliances between Progressive and Radical trends.