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881.
“外国卫生法”作为新开设的一门卫生法学专业特色课程,由于统编教材的缺少,给老师的教学和学生的学习都来了负面影响。外国卫生法学教材的编写要面向师生,既为教师而写又为学生而写。授课教师可以参与教材编写,但同时也要吸收法学专家和实务工作者参加,教材编写的内容和体系要坚持理论、立法和实践的三位一体。在教材编写时将国际卫生法的内容纳入其中,教材采用夹叙夹议的方式予以阐释知识点,同时注重知识的系统性,与其他卫生法学的教材做好衔接和过渡。 相似文献
882.
《精神卫生法》实施后,根据《立法法》的相关规定,先行制定并实施的七部地方性精神(心理)卫生条例面临着合法性问题,与上位法相抵触的规定无效并应及时的修改或废止。一方面七部条例"相抵触的规定"不仅包含具体条款,还涉及立法理念和原则的变化;另一方面七部条例的性质突变后带来的与其原有形式的矛盾,建议七部条例在《精神卫生法》配套法规完成后采用修订或立新废旧的方式予以修正,使之从创制性法规变为实施性法规;或者对没有存在必要的地方采取单项废止。 相似文献
883.
目的 观察中医综合疗法治疗膝骨关节炎的疗效及其对生存质量的影响。方法 将148例膝骨关节炎患者按照简单随机原则分为治疗组(75例)和对照组(73例),治疗组采用骨刺颗粒内服、消炎膏外敷及日常生活指导,对照组采用布洛芬胶囊口服、奇正消痛贴膏外用及日常生活指导。以西安大略和麦克马斯特大学骨关节炎指数(Western Ontario and McMaster Universities osteoarthritis index,WOMAC)及《中医病证诊断疗效标准》中“骨痹”的疗效标准评价疗效,并采用36条目简明健康状况调查表(36-item short-form health survey,SF-36)对患者的生存质量进行评估。结果 治疗10 d及30 d后,治疗组总有效率均显著高于对照组(P<0.05);两组WOMAC评分均显著低于治疗前(P<0.01),且治疗组WOMAC评分显著低于对照组(P<0.01)。与治疗前比较,治疗30 d后两组SF-36各维度评分均显著升高(P<0.01)。治疗组各维度评分改善值显著高于对照组(P<0.05,或P<0.01)。结论 中医综合疗法不仅能够改善膝骨关节炎的疼痛不适症状,而且能够改善关节活动度及躯体功能,提高患者生存质量。 相似文献
884.
Reinhard Schweitzer 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2019,17(1):61-76
AbstractProviding—and also not providing—public services to unlawful residents implies a certain cost for host societies, and both inclusion and exclusion involve localized renegotiations of fundamental rights, legitimate needs, and social membership. Based on original qualitative research data, this article compares how, why, and under which conditions irregular migrants are granted or denied access to healthcare services provided in London and Barcelona. From a multi-level perspective and by drawing on organization theory, I highlight key differences in how the responsible governments deal with the underlying contradictions and thereby either help or hinder effective policy implementation. 相似文献
885.
Ashley B. Batastini Madison Pike Megan A. Thoen Ashley C. T. Jones Riley M. Davis Esteisy Escalera 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2020,26(6):593-613
ABSTRACT The use of videoconferencing (VC) to conduct forensic mental health assessments (FMHA) is increasing. Yet, little is known about its acceptability among clinicians or legal professionals. In Study 1 (N?=?156), forensic evaluators were asked about their use of VC, reasons for its use, and opinions about the validity, usefulness, ethics, and legality of its use. An estimated one-third of evaluators have used VC in the past. Although evaluators overall expressed moderate concern over the ethics and legality of use, prior experience appeared to mitigate concerns. Younger practitioners were also more open to using VC. Reduced costs for courts was the most frequently endorsed benefit associated with VC, while restricted ability to administer psychological testing and potential technological problems were seen as the biggest disadvantages. In Study 2 (N?=?27), attorneys and judges were surveyed about frequency with which they encounter VC for FMHA and their perceptions about the validity of those assessments. Findings indicated legal personnel expressed rather negative views without having much first-hand experience of VC, including concerns about establishing rapport and technical difficulties. These studies have implications for whether VC will be adopted more frequently in FMHA. 相似文献
886.
Lora Anne Viola 《Global Society》2020,34(3):335-352
ABSTRACT The international system has long distinguished classes of states, such as “great powers”. Recently, “systemically significant states” has emerged as a new designation within global financial governance. This designation was introduced by the G7 to justify the new membership composition of the G20, and has since been adopted in policy documents and recommendations by other institutions, such as the IMF. This article traces the origins of the term “systemically significant” and argues that, although nominally meant to be a term of inclusion and a signal of the pluralisation of governance authority, it instead serves as a new category of stratification rooted in a neoliberal governmentality of risk. 相似文献
887.
888.
AbstractIn recent years, what has been called citizen initiatives for global solidarity (CIGS) have grown considerably in numbers across Europe and beyond. Lately, CIGS have also received attention as they are responding to humanitarian crisis across the world. In Europe during 2015, citizens were heavily involved in catering for incoming refugees, putting up loosely organised voluntary-based initiatives. CIGS popped up in places such as Lesvos, which is the focus of our research. Humanitarian CIGS are quick in their response to needs on the ground, are quickly governed by rules and regulations as well as overall ideas about crisis management, and come to work either with or in opposition to other actors. We examine two examples of CIGS positioned at the margins of the humanitarian aid machinery in Lesvos. Through a lens of power and resistance, we discuss how they resisted paradigmatic ideas of crisis management and instead called for a different interpretation of how to think about and do crisis management. 相似文献
889.
ABSTRACTOne of the potentially most significant objections to a cosmopolitan moral approach charges an essential arrogance: cosmopolitanism disdains particularist moral insights even while – in what is said to be its most coherent form – it seeks to bind all persons within global political institutions. It is argued here that adopting a form of institutional cosmopolitanism actually helps to meet this sort of objection. An appropriately configured such approach will have a conception of equal global citizenship at its core. It will seek to place individuals in relations of political humility, understood not as plain deference to competing moral claims, but as concrete recognition of the equal moral status of others. It will seek to progressively empower as actual citizen equals those whose interests are often ‘arrogantly’ neglected in the current system, and to multiply mechanisms of input and challenge for them over time. 相似文献
890.
Jonathan C. Agensky 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(4):583-602
AbstractThis article explores how mutually productive intersections between religion and governance constitute international political order in sub-Saharan settings. Asking ‘who governs’, I propose religion–governance entanglement as a means of analysing these intersections and rethinking governance, order and religion in Africa. Existing literatures typically characterise the public reliance on religious actors and institutions as being part of a uniquely ‘post-secular’ moment in contemporary world politics or a wider ‘post-Westphalian’ shift in modern governance. Enduring dynamics between postcolonial states and the Global North problematise these framings. In sub-Saharan Africa, religion has a protracted history in postcolonial hybrid governance, overlapping the regional presence of international non-govermental organisations following decolonisation. Using the example of South Sudan, I build on recent analyses of religious-political activities that leave their collective implications under-theorised. 相似文献