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201.
Though internal migration in China during the Qing era (1644–1911) was mostly unrestricted, the government tightly controlled the movement of peasants who worked state lands in frontier regions and certain other locations. Such peasants accounted for 5–10% of China's population. In the state farms of northeast China, households could move legally only from one place to another within the system. Departure from the system was illegal. In this article, one of the first quantitative studies of migration in late imperial China, we apply discrete-time event-history methods to longitudinal, nominative household register data from six northeast Chinese state farm systems to compare how characteristics of the farm system, village, and household influenced the chances of legal moves and illegal departures. We show that among these state peasants, who were supposedly “unfree,” migration was not uncommon. We also show that the determinants of legal and illegal migration differed substantially. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for our understanding of migration processes in late imperial China.  相似文献   
202.
This article will define the concepts of smuggling and trafficking in human beings and discuss the difficulty in applying the definition. The magnitude and scope of the problem will be examined as well as its causes. Trafficking in human beings will be analysed as an illegal market, particularly with reference to its relationship with other illegal markets and the involvement of organised crime groups. The phenomenon will be discussed in more depth focusing on countries and regions where projects are currently being implemented under the auspices of the United Nations Global Programme against Trafficking in Human Beings. The discussion closes with an overview of situations which facilitate the practice, and current measures and recommendations to stem the tide of smuggling and trafficking.  相似文献   
203.
全球性风险和安全问题是当前人类面临的重大挑战。全球风险社会理论通过对现代性的反思与批判,阐述了现代社会的风险特征,以及在现代风险挑战下传统制度的解构和风险治理机制的瓦解,并探寻由自反性现代化向世界主义迈进的路径,以应对这些风险和挑战。文章剖析了现代风险社会理论的要点,提出了该理论应对全球风险存在的局限性,认为我国提出的总体国家安全观当中有关人类安全共同体的论述,坚持马克思主义阶级分析方法,倡导以人类整体利益为导向,以发展为基础,以共商共建为原则、互利共赢为目标,实现了对现代风险社会理论的超越,为人类社会迈向人类命运共同体提供了一条切实可行的路径。  相似文献   
204.
20世纪的"全球化"是全球同质化时代。21世纪的世界从全球化走向后全球化,国际关系从美国主导的全球体系分裂,形成不同质的文化实体之间的并置冲突。随着网络媒体的发展,文化冲突从传统的政治、民族、宗教冲突格局扩散开来,转向流动、多维的分形化复杂关系;由网络新媒体的微分化传播造成的分形传播与交流新生态将对全球文化的未来发展趋势尤其是构建人类命运共同体的需要产生深刻影响。  相似文献   
205.
Abstract

Somali refugees are considered one of the largest African refugee populations in the United States and the fourth largest refugee population globally. Yet, there is limited scholarship on their overall migration paths and the ways in which their intersectional identities may impact their resettlement and integration in the United States. Study findings are from a qualitative study on the migration and integration experiences of 15 Somali Americans in Chicago. Findings illustrate the complexities associated with the Somali refugee narrative and how this population is often positioned at the intersections of anti-Black, anti-Muslim, and anti-refugee racism and discrimination in the United States.  相似文献   
206.
作为一种兼具公共产品与战略工具双重功能的议题,全球基础设施具有明确的发展与安全含义,因此,该议题在国际政治中呈现出嵌入"发展—安全联结"的基本态势。当前,在大国战略竞争结构之下,全球基础设施建设与国际社会"发展—安全联结"都具备议题拓展的政治动力,两者互动推动着安全与发展两大议题领域在不同层次上展开更为复杂化的聚合,扩展了当前"发展—安全联结"在国际政治中的适用范围,也强化了基础设施对安全与发展的依赖程度。基础设施与"发展—安全联结"互动呈现出螺旋圈层的架构,即主要通过议题维度的立体配置逻辑、制度方面的双重建构逻辑和演变方面的系统嵌合逻辑等方式,更紧密地与"发展—安全联结"发生互动关联。一个"发展—基建—安全联结"正在浮现。全新的联结也在重新塑造安全与发展两大议题,并在议题设定、行为逻辑、国际制度、全球治理和运作环境方面影响着当前的国际秩序。这种正在出现的"发展—基建—安全联结"可能对中国推进"一带一路"基建具有重要启示意义。  相似文献   
207.
The aim of this article is to compare Unasur and the African Union with regard to their institutional structure, agenda and performance. Although some scholars have made comparative assessments of regional institutions in the same region or comparisons between regional projects worldwide and the European Union, there are still few academic contributions which develop a cross-regional comparison among regional initiatives from different regions of the Global South. By assessing the cases of Unasur and the African Union, and particularly Unasur’s Defence Council and the AU’s Peace and Security Council, taking into account their institutional structure, performance and limitations, and the role of regional leaders and exogenous actors in both cases, we have elaborated an analytical framework aiming to identify and explain the similarities and differences between two regional institutions outside Europe. Based on the contributions of comparative regionalism and the evaluation of Unasur and the AU, we conduct a comparative analysis of both regional organisations, giving specific attention to their security and defence agendas, moving forward the empirical and analytical agenda of comparative regionalism.  相似文献   
208.
ABSTRACT

Focussing on the example of domestic worker migration, this article seeks to explore the regulatory regimes that control the flow of migrants across Southeast Asia. Although at first glance this appears to be a deeply statist regime, the aim of this article is to complicate this picture and to look at the role that private power and authority places in shaping migration governance. The article focusses on three interrelated issues: (i) how states have increasingly come to regulate migration via partnership arrangements with private sector actors; (ii) how these partnership arrangements are emblematic of broader processes of state transformation that take shape within the complex governance practices surrounding domestic worker migration in Southeast Asia; (iii) how a focus on the micro-processes of domestic worker governance (that is, how migrant worker bodies are constructed and disciplined) also highlights the significance of private actors in this aspect of governance.  相似文献   
209.
Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo has emerged as the “comeback kid” of Japanese politics and in his second term of office is now widely regarded as a rare example of strong leadership as he seeks to arrest and reverse his country’s perceived decline. The strategy to achieve these objectives has come to be known as the “Abe Doctrine,” which represents a radical but risky shift in foreign policy. This article outlines the tenets of the evolving Abe Doctrine and then applies them to the Abe administration’s behaviour in the mechanisms of global governance, a highly pertinent but overlooked example. It argues that although a more strategic and coherent approach to global governance has emerged under Abe than had been previously evident, this has been at the expense of the norm of internationalism that has traditionally shaped Japan’s role.  相似文献   
210.
Oren Gruenbaum 《圆桌》2017,106(3):245-251
  相似文献   
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