Why societies need public goods

The most distinctive features of public goods are usually understood to be the difficulty of excluding potential beneficiaries and the fact that one appropriator’s benefits do not diminish the amount of benefits left for others. Yet, because of these properties (non-excludability and non-rivalry), public goods cause market failures and contribute to problems of collective action. This article aims to portray public goods in a different light. Following a recent reassessment of public goods in political philosophy, this contribution argues that public goods are particularly suitable for sustaining a well-ordered society. Public goods contribute to social inclusion, they support the generation of the public, and they strengthen a shared sense of citizenship. This article scrutinizes these functions of public goods and offers a discussion of the interventionist thesis which states that governments should sustain public goods.     

Exclusivity of citizens’ initiatives: Fuel for collective action?

ABSTRACT

Self-organized citizens’ initiatives are a form of collective action and contribute to society through the production of public goods and services. Traditional collective action theory predicts that such initiatives are near impossible because of the persistent problems of free-riding. Citizens’ initiatives however do exist and function properly, and their numbers seem to be increasing in countries such as the Netherlands. This article argues that free-riding problems can be overcome when some form of exclusivity is arranged in citizens’ initiatives. We assume that citizens’ initiatives use active and/or passive strategies to limit free-riding behaviour. Using three illustrative cases, our research shows that position rules, boundary rules, and authority rules are used in a subtle and often implicit way to differentiate the level of influence and authority between the more and the less committed members, enabling collective action. Such rules, though advantageous, may be paradoxical to the goals of the citizens’ initiatives and can undermine the virtues associated with them.     

Editor’s Note

In the context of today’s big data and cloud computing, the global flow of data has become a powerful driver for international economic and investment growth. The EU and the U.S. have created two different paths for the legal regulation of the cross-border flow of personal data due to their respective historical traditions and realistic demands. The requirements for data protection have shown significant differences. The EU advocates localization of data and firmly restricts cross-border flow of personal data. The U.S. tends to protect personal data through industry self-regulation and government law enforcement. At the same time, these two paths also merge and supplement with each other. Based on this, China needs to learn from the legal regulatory paths of the EU and the US, respectively, to establish a legal idea that places equal emphasis on personal data protection and the development of the information industry. In terms of domestic law, the Cybersecurity Law of the People’s Republic of China needs to be improved and supplemented by relevant supporting legislation to improve the operability of the law; the industry self-discipline guidelines should be established; and various types of cross-border data need to be classified and supervised. In terms of international law, it is necessary to participate in international cooperation based on the priority of data sovereignty and promote the signing of bilateral, multilateral agreements, and international treaties on the cross-border flow of personal data.     

国际碳交易机制下中国低碳投资风险探讨

跨国低碳投资已经形成了相当的规模,随着世界经济向低碳经济转变,其潜力将不可限量,我国低碳投资也方兴未艾。本文在总结和介绍目前国际碳交易市场机制下低碳投资的趋势与投资模式的基础上,重点分析了我国低碳投资现金流模型与投资风险管理。     

中国的崛起与朝鲜半岛关系

2010年发生的"天安号"和"延平岛"事件是使崛起的中国面临维持还是改变东北亚安全现状的重要的战略选择。由于朝鲜半岛关系到中国的核心利益,我们应把它界定为地缘战略重点。在朝鲜半岛问题上中国应起到建设性作用,为其解决提供规则,与有关各方更多地共享利益,维护朝鲜半岛的和平稳定。在具体战略运作上,既要坚持韬光养晦,又要积极有所作为;既要顾全大局,又要具体情况具体分析;既要坚持多边机制,又要加强双边关系。     

试论我国的区域经济一体化与判决的自由流动

香港、澳门回归后,中央政府分别与香港特区和澳门特区签署了更紧密经贸关系的安排。内地与特区实施CEPA协议后,加速了地区经济一体化进程,客观上要求圆满解决在货物、人员、服务、资本流动中出现的各种争议,特别是要求实现判决自由流动问题。我国特别需要在宪法中明确规定中国区际司法协助的原则,即在＂一国两制＂下,相互尊重和信任各法域的法律制度及根据其法律做成的民商事判决,促进相互之间判决的自由流动。     

对传统公共物品理论的破与立——兼论后公共物品时代的政府职能定位理论

对于公共物品的界定,西方学者见仁见智,而国内学者大多以消费上的非竞争性和非排他性作为公共物品的充分条件和必要条件。本文否定了物品(包括服务)存在消费上的非竞争性和非排他性,进而否定了以物品的客观属性来界定公共物品的传统公共物品理论,主张以需求溢出理论作为后公共物品时代的政府职能定位理论。     

“洋货”观照下的“故物”——中国近代论评法家“法治”思想的路向与歧见

在中国"传统内"的释评系统中,法家的"法治"思想这个"故物",没有得到新的阐述与发展。到了近代,西方法治思想这个"洋货"成为重新解读"故物"的利器。但梁启超与萧公权同样用"洋货"观照"故物",却得出了法家"法治"思想之"真"与"伪"的不同结论。用"洋货"观照"故物",已成为具有重大影响与意义的思想学术路向,但也应克服其"强为比附"的结习。     

财政法的经济学根基——交易成本公共物品理论的提出

传统上,财政学和财政法均认为财政存在的必要性在于外部性理论以及在此基础上提出的传统公共物品理论。而交易成本公共物品理论则主张,财政法的经济学根基不在于外部性,而在于解决外部性的交易成本的高低。政府应以更低的交易费用来提供公共物品,提供公共物品的目的是为了降低整个社会的交易费用。财政和财政法的主要职能是降低整个社会的交易费用,而不是所谓的教务式的“提供公共物品”。借“私人不愿提供公共物品”之名而行垄断之实,其结果往往导致该物品的交易费用增加。因此,在决定一类物品由谁提供时,政府应该这样思考：该物品由私人提供和由国家提供,哪种方式交易费用较低？政府如何降低其交易费用？     

浅析中国在东亚区域合作中提供公共产品的若干问题

20世纪90年代以来,东亚的区域合作已经取得了显著进展,但强调民族主义和跨国主义并存的东亚新区域主义的发展并不等于东亚一体化的形成,东亚区域合作仍然在不断整合当中.中国作为正在崛起中的大国,在东亚区域合作中担当着重要角色.中国能否在东亚区域合作中提供公共产品,以何种方式提供公共产品,在提供公共产品方面以何为现实依据,这不仅对东亚区域合作的成功与结构整合有重大意义,也将对东亚国际关系乃至整个世界格局产生重大影响.