刑法牵连关系界定标准之新解——兼论牵连犯与吸收犯的区别

在司法实践中,刑法牵连问题层出不穷,不仅源于实践案例的复杂性,也源自当下对刑法的牵连关系理论研究的滞后性。若要从根源上对刑法牵连问题的理论研究有所推进,须对现有牵连关系理论进行清理与重建．坚持限制解释、不可逾越与避免、严格参照罪状、事实判断四原则,进而对刑法牵连关系进行界定,并在刑法牵连关系之下实现对牵连犯与吸收犯的认定;且对具有刑法牵连关系的牵连犯与吸收犯一律从一重刑处罚．．     

高度重视反腐倡廉这一重大政治任务

反腐倡廉是我党一贯坚持的鲜明政治立场,是人民关注的重大政治问题。当前,我国腐败问题呈现多种特点,其危害性在于：它离间党和人民群众的关系,损毁党的执政基础;破坏社会主义经济体制机制,损害人民群众的利益;干扰依法治国,影响社会稳定;毒化思想道德,败坏社会风气。因此,应进一步加强反腐倡廉的制度建设;加强党员干部反腐倡廉的思想建设;加强党的作风建设;加强党内民主建设强化党内监督机制;进一步发挥人民群众在反腐倡廉建设中的作用。     

公共服务领域中政府与NGO的合作困境及出路

本文就公共服务领域中政府与NGO的合作困境,分析制约政府与NGO合作关系的因素。可以看出,在我国社会转型期,构建政府与NGO之间互动合作关系是必然的发展趋势,但这是一个循序渐进的过程,不是单靠其中的一方就能完成的。所以,公共服务中政府与NGO关系的可持续发展之路在于构建两者的互动合作关系。     

The Second Wave of Indian Investments Abroad

This article makes an assessment of the recent international expansion of Indian companies by contrasting it to the earlier – much more modest – wave of investments abroad. It also traces the evolution of the Indian government's policy towards outwards investments and makes the claim that an important reason for the rise of investments abroad is the gradual relaxation of the Indian government's restrictions on capital outflow after the economic reforms of the 1990s. The new Indian investments abroad are characterised by being dispersed over a very large number of countries and economic sectors and – most remarkable – Indian companies are now also targeting the markets in Europe and the USA through acquisitions of local companies. At the same time, Indian companies have continued to expand their presence in other developing countries, where their activities may contribute to both economic progress and a reduction of economic dependence on relations with developed countries.     

The Common Security and Defence Policy as an act of American hegemony

Abstract

The financial crisis endangers the security of NATO's members and partners. As such, NATO has a formal obligation to mobilize its resources to aid members in overcoming current economic challenges. NATO can play a valuable role on three levels. First, NATO can aid members in rationalizing their military procurement and manpower systems, thus reducing the fiscal burden of maintaining adequate defenses. Second, NATO can press the ECB and the EU to modify arrangements governing the Euro so as to minimize the risk that EMU will collapse. Finally, NATO has a “soft power” role in vigorously defending the liberal economic order and democratic political institutions of the Western Alliance from the ideological attacks that inevitably follow financial crises.     

NATO's Response Force: finally getting it right?

Abstract

At the Riga Summit in November 2006, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) declared the NATO Response Force (NRF) a fully operational capability. Yet only 8 months later – and behind closed doors – the Alliance's military authorities rescinded the declaration as it became increasingly clear that member states were unwilling to make the necessary commitments to the force. To this day, the force has been a qualified failure: while many allies have benefited from participating in the NRF, lack of concrete troop commitments and disagreement as to the force's operational role have largely eroded its credibility. This could change with the allies' recent adoption of a revised NRF-construct. However, as NATO is still in a state of strategic confusion, the NRF is likely to continue to be different things to different nations.     

Assessing the reset: successes and failures in the Obama administration's Russia policy, 2009–2012

Critics of the Obama administration's ‘reset’ with Russia claim that it has failed to improve bilateral relations and has conceded too much to Russia at the expense of American interests. In fact, the reset has delivered significant improvements in key areas and established the institutional basis for continued cooperation in the future, benefiting both states. Although disagreements remain on several important issues including missile defence, humanitarian intervention, and democracy, the reset has been broadly successful on its own terms, which were always limited in scope and based on a pragmatic recognition of the limits of possible cooperation. Future progress is uncertain, however – obstacles include differences of national interest; the complicating effects of relations with third party states and the impact of domestic politics. A continuation of the pragmatic approach underpinning the reset represents the best chance for stability in the US–Russia relationship.     

新贸易环境下中韩FTA促进战略评析

中韩建交20年来,双边经贸关系发展迅速。近年来,随着中韩贸易环境的变化,两国出于经济、政治、安全利益的需要,在进一步加强合作以缔结中韩FTA方面逐渐达成共识,继而推动中韩FTA步入实施阶段。中韩FTA生效后,将会给两国带来巨大的经济效应,预计对两国GDP增长、消费者福利增加、市场占有率提高等都会产生积极影响。中韩两国处在不同的产业发展阶段,在贸易自由化程度和范围方面存在着差异。在谈判过程中,两国还会存在不少争论焦点,对于具体实行效果也会存在一些担忧,有待两国本着合作互利的原则通过协商加以解决。     

Framing hostage negotiations: analysing the discourse of the US government and the Islamic State

Since August 2014, there has been a marked increase in the violence perpetrated by the Islamic State against Western hostages. Videos released by the Islamic State depicting the brutal executions of hostages have been circulated widely on social media. This has prompted a dialogue about governments’ policies regarding negotiation with terrorist organisations to secure the release of their citizens held overseas. The United States and Britain, two non-negotiating countries, have faced significant criticism for this policy, which has led to the beheadings of several American and British citizens. This article analyses the discourse of two spokesmen – White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, and British hostage John Cantlie – in framing the issue of hostage negotiations on behalf of their organisations. A grounded theory approach informed by framing analysis is utilised in order to identify dominant discourses employed in White House press briefings and John Cantlie’s videos and articles. This article concludes that, through the deliberate use of discourse, the US government and the Islamic State shape public perception of hostage negotiations in pursuit of distinct policy goals.