我国公用事业政府监管的文献述评

我国公用事业政府监管的研究总体上可分为两大领域:一是公用事业政府监管的基本理论;二是我国公用事业政府监管的实践研究。其中,公用事业政府监管的基本理论包括公用事业监管的内涵及其原因探究;公用事业政府监管的实践研究则包括我国相关实践的系统总结与审视、国外相关实践经验的介绍与总结、构建科学高效的公用事业监管体系三大部分。     

中央与地方在金融风险处置中的职责划分研究

我国现有金融风险处置模式不尽合理,中央(以中央银行为代表)与地方承担的权责不相匹配,形成较为严重的道德风险,不利于高效率、低成本的处置金融风险,更不利于区域金融稳健运行。借鉴部分成熟市场经济国家风险处置机制和体制建设经验,在此基础上,以规范经济学的视角分析,我国金融风险处置过程中中央银行与地方政府应具备明确的价值选择和职能定位,在具体划分非法人金融机构和地方法人金融机构风险处置的不同背景下,划分具体的职责框架和处置内容。     

Municipalities’ willingness to adopt process innovations: evidence for higher cost-efficiency

In the public sector, innovation is understood as a major driver of public service performance improvement and excellence. On the one hand, previous research has proven a positive effect of innovation adoption on performance in the public sector. On the other hand, a broad literature proves positive effects of innovation antecedents on innovation adoption. This study bridges this gap and analyses the effect of an innovation antecedent – willingness to adopt a process innovation (accrual accounting) – on municipalities’ service provision cost-efficiency. Therefore, the author makes use of a panel data set of German municipalities, located in the federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia. Evidence shows that a higher municipal willingness to innovate relates to higher cost-efficiency. A higher innovation willingness might have a maximal effect of 17 percentage points on municipality cost-efficiency.     

Does democratic local governance facilitate local economic development? Evidence from Bangladesh

ABSTRACT

This paper tests whether the improvement of democratic local governance (DLG) positively impacts local economic development (LED). Based on a nationally representative citizen perception survey of 3,024 households across 56 Union Parishads (UPs) in Bangladesh, the results suggest that, although the UP governance program (UPGP) has improved the administrative governance of UPs, functional governance involving citizens remains weak. Thus, due to partial improvement of DLG, UPGP does not appear to have a significant impact on the overall local economic development and service delivery of UPs. A significant gap can be seen to exist between the claims of UPs and the perceptions of citizens around UPs’ governance performance, which may result from the poor awareness building structures of the UPGP. However, our results suggest that providing training to UP officials can partially offset the shortfalls of DLG in its pursuit of LED.     

交易成本、共享经济与政府横向部门间信息共享

当前政府横向部门间信息共享障碍的症结在于交易成本高,直接体现在协调成本、信息成本和监控成本三项上。共享经济的理念有助于实现交易成本最小化,具体表现有三:资源使用权的有偿转移有助于降低协调成本,闲置资源的精准配置有助于降低信息成本,组织结构和运行规则创新有助于降低监控成本。立足共享经济理念,设计出一套以信息需求部门、信息供给部门、共享平台和监督部门为参与主体,以资源索引、利益补偿和评价反馈为运行机制,以长期性、主动性和激励性为基本原则的模型。     

论政府数据开放的基本原则

在中央层面统一立法缺位现状下,明确政府数据开放应遵循的基本原则有益于地方政府数据开放实践开展与相关法律制度构建。确立基本原则应当依据以下三个标准：促进公众对政府数据资源的再利用,符合政府数据开放制度的目标定位,满足数据安全保障的要求。基于该标准,数据安全保护原则、需求导向原则、数据质量原则、自由使用原则、公众参与原则应被确定为政府数据开放的基本原则。数据安全保护原则旨在管控数据安全风险,保障数据开放与利用在安全可控前提下进行。需求导向、数据质量、自由使用三项原则围绕数据、开放和利用三个关键环节展开,为数据可用性提供根本保障。政府数据开放对公众参与的强依赖性使公众参与成为一项基本原则,进而推动公私合作治理的数字政府改革进程。     

从条块到界面:基层政府“放管服”改革的内在逻辑——基于江苏省徐霞客镇的案例研究

中国的政府治理受制于央地关系和国家(政府)与社会关系的双重约束,这使得条块结构难以适应,在治理中带来了专业化分工与行政性协同、分散式服务与一体化需求、碎片化问题与整体性治理三对矛盾。为了破解矛盾、平衡双重关系,需要重塑治理结构。研究发现,基层政府通过打造信息界面、组织界面、服务界面、执法界面,为部门间、政府与公民的互动提供平台,实现以公民为中心的界面治理,用界面来弥补条块失灵。我们需要基于多重约束关系来设计相适应的治理结构,该观点是对威廉姆森基于交易成本选择治理结构的一种补充。     

政府数据开放中个人信息保护的范式转变

政府数据开放并非静态的单一行为,而是动态的系统过程。借助数据生命周期理论,可以将政府数据开放解构为数据收集、转换、存储、公开和使用五个阶段。根据《个人信息保护法》和《数据安全法》确立的最新规则,个人信息保护风险可能同时存在于政府数据开放生命周期的各个阶段。然而,政府数据开放中现有的个人信息保护范式主要采取“基于结果的方法”,重点关注政府数据在公开时的状态,依靠技术性匿名化手段,难以有效应对政府数据开放中的个人信息保护风险。与此相对应,“基于过程的方法”与政府数据生命周期、个人信息保护的程序化和数据安全全流程管理相契合,可以弥补“基于结果的方法”的不足。通过将风险预防原则和程序、技术、经济、教育和法律等手段分散放置在政府数据开放生命周期的每个阶段,能够最大限度减少个人信息保护风险,在个人信息保护与政府数据开放之间实现动态平衡。     

Explaining high external efficacy in authoritarian countries: a comparison of China and Taiwan

We examine the puzzling phenomenon that authoritarian governments are perceived to be more responsive than democratic governments. By comparing China and Taiwan by both large-N statistical analyses and in-depth case studies, we show that the answer lies in the differences between democratic and authoritarian institutions. First, failing to elect one’s preferred candidate in democracies predisposes voters to critical assessment of government responsiveness. There is no such predisposition in authoritarian countries where elections are nonexistent or nominal. Second, elections incentivize democratic leaders to over-respond to certain groups. There is no such mechanism in authoritarian countries. Third, the solid and clear legitimacy established by electoral victories shield democratic leaders from particularistic demands made through unconventional channels. Without such legitimacy, authoritarian leaders are compelled to cement legitimacy by increasing responsiveness.     

Pathways to democratization in personalist dictatorships

Personalist dictatorships make up an increasingly large proportion of the world's dictatorships. Moreover, they tend to be particularly resistant to democratization. Understanding the conditions that increase the likelihood of democratic transitions in personalist contexts, therefore, is critical for the study and practice of democratization in the contemporary era. This study argues that political party creation is a key factor. Though personalist dictators typically create parties to offset immediate threats to their power posed by the elite – and particularly the military – doing so encourages peaceful mass mobilization and a realignment of elite networks. These dynamics, in turn, enhance prospects of democratization. Using cross-national empirical tests that address the potential endogeneity of this relationship, we find support for the argument that personalist dictators who create their own political party are more likely to democratize than those who ally with a pre-existing party or rule without one.