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31.
为验证siRNAs对猪繁殖与呼吸综合征病毒复制的抑制效果,构建了猪繁殖与呼吸综合征病毒NSP9基因与增强型绿色荧光蛋白基因GFP的融合表达质粒,并在Marc145细胞中进行了表达。通过RT-PCR方法扩增猪繁殖与呼吸综合征病毒NSP9基因,将其克隆入表达载体pEGFP-N1,并进行双酶切、PCR及测序鉴定。将阳性重组质粒转染Marc145细胞,检测绿色荧光蛋白的表达和NSP9基因转录水平。结果显示,经双酶切及PCR鉴定,目的基因的大小与预期相符。荧光显微镜和流式细胞仪均检测到细胞内绿色荧光蛋白的表达,荧光定量PCR检测到细胞内有NSP9基因的转录。本研究成功构建的猪繁殖与呼吸综合征病毒NSP9基因GFP融合表达质粒,为在细胞水平快速筛选有效的siRNAs提供了工具。  相似文献   
32.
Abstract

While the arguments in favour of a green economy often rest on the need to reduce environmental damage, mitigate climate change and create environmentally friendly jobs, this article argues that the inevitable and possibly imminent peak and decline in world oil production provides another strong rationale for green economy policies and investments in South Africa. The South African economy has a high degree of reliance on imported petroleum fuels and evidence suggests that oil price and supply shocks – resulting from diminishing world oil exports and a decline in the energy return on investment for oil globally – are likely to have a debilitating socioeconomic impact under business-as-usual policies and behaviour patterns. Two broad strategies for mitigating the impact of increasing world oil scarcity and oil price shocks are considered. The first evaluates the prospects for developing indigenous sources of liquid fuels, including coal-to-liquids, gas-to-liquids and biofuels, and finds that there are significant resource and environmental risks associated with these options. The second strategy involves short-term measures to reduce demand for liquid transport fuels together with a long-term shift toward electrified mass transport, supported by accelerated investments in renewable energy. The latter strategy is argued to be compatible with and necessary for a societal transition towards a green economy.  相似文献   
33.
This article examines some statistical data concerning juvenile delinquency in the USSR, analyzes social and demographic characteristics of juvenile delinquents, and describes special methods of preventing and combating juvenile delinquency in the USSR.

In those cases when the article does not contain direct references to the source of the data, the author cites the results of various research studies which are in his possession.  相似文献   

34.
Despite increased interest in environmental crime and green criminology, few studies address the use of criminal penalties in response to environmental crimes. A handful of published examples employ data from the United States or the Flanders court system, and little is known about how other nations punish environmental violations. Addressing this issue, the current study examined the use of criminal environmental penalties in Ireland from 2004 to 2014. Few criminal environmental cases (N = 147) and few environmental offenders (N = 154) were represented in these data over time. Consistent with the expectations of green/environmental crime researchers, mean penalties for environmental violations, which in Ireland only include fines and investigative cost recovery penalties, were rather small. Unlike in the US or Flanders, the majority of offenders were corporate offenders as opposed to individuals. Contextual factors related to Ireland’s economy, history and use of criminal sanctions should be used to interpret these factors, and prevent generalising from these data.  相似文献   
35.
Abstract

This paper examines the emergence of a representation of climate change amongst business and political elites as an axiomatic frame of long-term economic strategy. In this representation, the rationale for action on climate change is liberated from the premise of an exogenous physical threat, and replaced by incentives endogenous to the market in the form of opportunities in the so-called carbon economy. The relationship between climate science and action upon climate change has in this process become markedly different from common assumptions whereby science is either ignored or obfuscated, or followed faithfully as the evidence base for policy. Strikingly, the abandoning of climate ontology as irrelevant to corporate decision-making has enabled a large-scale investment of capital into the policies nominally designed to tackle climate change.  相似文献   
36.
The political economy literature has gathered compelling evidence that labour market risks shape political preferences. Accordingly, insecurity fuels support for redistribution and left parties. This article analyses this argument for temporary workers, a so far neglected risk category which has increased dramatically in the past two decades. Temporary workers also have been in the focus of recent insider‐outsider debates. Some authors in this line of research have argued that temporary work leads to political disenchantment – for example, non‐instrumental responses such as vote abstention or protest voting. This contradicts risk‐based explanations of political preferences. The article discusses both theoretical perspectives and derives conflicting hypotheses for the empirical analysis of temporary workers' policy and party preferences. The review reveals considerable ambiguity regarding the questions which parties temporary workers can be expected to support and what the underlying motives for party choice are. Synthesising arguments from both perspectives, the article proposes an alternative argument according to which temporary workers are expected to support the ‘new’ left – that is, green and other left‐libertarian parties. It is argued that this party family combines redistributive policies with outsider‐friendly policy design. Using individual‐level data from the European Social Survey for 15 European countries, the article supports this argument by showing that temporary, compared to permanent, workers exhibit higher demand for redistribution and stronger support for the new left. Neither the risk‐based nor the insider‐outsider explanations receive full support. In particular, no signs of political disenchantment of temporary workers can be found. Thus, the findings challenge central claims of the insider‐outsider literature.  相似文献   
37.
This study addresses the dynamics of the issue space in multiparty systems by examining to what extent, and under what conditions, parties respond to the issue ownership of other parties on the green issue. To understand why some issues become part and parcel of the political agenda in multiparty systems, it is crucial not only to examine the strategies of issue entrepreneurs, but also the responses of other parties. It is argued that the extent to which other parties respond to, rather than ignore, the issue mobilisation of green parties depends on two factors: how much of an electoral threat the green party poses to a specific party; and the extent to which the political and economic context makes the green issue a potential vote winner. To analyse the evolution of the green issue, a time‐series cross‐section analysis is conducted using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project for 19 West European countries from 1980–2010. The findings have important implications for understanding issue evolution in multiparty systems and how and why the dynamics of party competition on the green issue vary across time and space.  相似文献   
38.
“人与自然和谐共生的现代化”是中国共产党的首创,是浙江省奋力打造“重要窗口”的必由之路。在实现绿色主导、生态优先、环境美丽、资源高效的“人与自然和谐共生的现代化”的进程中,浙江省始终“以更高的标准推进绿色低碳发展、以更大的范围推进生态环境保护、以更强的力度推进资源高效利用、以更广的视野推进美丽城乡建设、以更大的力度推进生态科技创新、以更严的要求推进生态环境治理”为主要抓手,旨在打造以“生态经济主导化、生态环境景观化、自然资源循环化、全省一体化大花园、绿色科技创新自主化、生态文明制度体系化”为主要表征的“重要窗口”。“人与自然和谐共生的现代化”的“重要窗口”是“理论、实践、制度”三位一体的硕果体系,充分彰显出新时代中国特色社会主义制度的巨大优越性。  相似文献   
39.
论文从民族志的视角,以交通工具之独轮车、汽车与高铁车辆发展的现实回答有关消费、消费主义文化与当今人类面临的问题,认为应对符号消费或者"凡勃伦效应"的出口在于践行"绿色消费"。  相似文献   
40.
曾文革  王海志 《行政与法》2004,1(8):26-27,47
随着经济的全球化和世界环保浪潮的高涨,环境因素在国际贸易中的影响达到了前所未有的高度,发达国家纷纷以环境保护为借口构筑其绿色贸易壁垒,给包括我国在内的广大发展中国家造成了很大影响。为此,各国纷纷进行突破绿色贸易壁垒的立法并建立相应的执法机制。本文从突破绿色贸易壁垒的执法机制的意义及重要性出发,分析了我国突破绿色贸易壁垒的执法机制的现状,从而提出完善突破绿色贸易壁垒的执法机制的几点设想。  相似文献   
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