民事诉讼中弱势群体之界定

弱势群体问题正在得到社会的关注,对其进行倾斜性的保护也已获得社会的共识,司法在其中责无旁贷,而保护弱势群体更关乎司法之本旨--正义的实现.但从司法层面上看,要加强对弱势群体的保护需要首先对其做出准确的、符合法学概念规范的、反映民事诉讼实际的定位,进而在民事诉讼中为其构建一个平等对话与对抗的舞台奠定基础,而不能简单借用社会学及其他学科的定义,以真正实现接近正义.     

哈尔滨都市圈与“长、沈、大”都市群产业合作问题研究

在区域经济一体化和振兴东北老工业基地的背景下,哈尔滨都市圈与“长、沈、大”都市群加强产业合作具有客观必然性。在产业合作过程中,应坚持科学规划、合理分工;政府引导、利益驱动;规范管理、制度保证三项原则,并突出装备制造、北药、旅游和石化四大产业合作重点。针对哈尔滨都市圈与“长、沈、大”都市群产业合作所面临的一些观念性、体制性和制度性的制约因素,应采取树立竞合理念、加强行政区际基础设施建设、建立产业合作动力机制、强化政府宏观调控职能、协调东北四市发展规划以及建立富有权威的产业合作协调机构等措施,切实推进哈尔滨都市圈与“长、沈、大”都市群的产业合作。     

Burundi’s rebel groups and the stigmatisation of wartime sexual violence

ABSTRACT

Despite assumptions about the ubiquity of wartime sexual violence, some armed actors work hard to generate negative views of rape and other abuses. This article qualitatively explores rebel group stigmatisation (and stigma) of wartime sexual violence and prohibitive normative practices. Regularly discussed with reference to the shaming of victims or survivors, stigmatisation is nonetheless utilised here as a concept for understanding how sexual coercion is “made” deviant and consequential for potential perpetrators. Two rebel groups from Burundi’s civil war (1994–2008), CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) and FNL (Palipehutu-Forces for National Liberation), are compared. The FNL stigmatised rape and sexual assault, and the nature and quality of its practices shaped negative social norms surrounding rape. The article’s main contribution is to demonstrate the need to deepen and widen the evidence base on the prevention of wartime sexual violence.     

美国控制股东信义义务:本原厘定与移植回应

控制股东信义义务"移植论"存在方法论误用的缺陷,过度关注概念和规则的译介,而未深究其制度功能所关联的特定社会背景。信义义务根植于普通法特殊的历史土壤,以信托为"母体"并经归纳推理不断扩张泛化,"控制股东信义义务"是这种泛化现象的缩影,早期"受益人利益最大化"内涵已被"公平交易义务"取代。内涵演变的动因是对公司本质认知的进化以及因之发生的个人法向团体法逻辑的持续递进。我国控制股东滥权现象的主要成因并非规范资源不足,转轨时期"政企不分"的现实和公司法体系二元区隔的倾向亦不容忽视。美国关于交易公平性判断的程序性规则有助于克服法律行为评价系统的局限性,具有"复原"商业决策背景的功能,契合复杂的市场环境需求,是最具借鉴价值的部分。     

企业工会建设三重奏

企业工会是密切党群干群关系的桥梁和纽带,企业工会只有加强组织建设,提升工会干部素质,围绕科学发展和队伍建设,发挥自身优势,积极探索加强民主管理的方法,切实维护好职工的合法权益,做好服务工作,才能把全体职工的智慧和力量凝聚起来,把积极性与创造性调动起来,团结、带领广大职工群众更好地完成上级交给的各项工作任务。     

政务微信群重塑政治沟通体系的机制研究

微信群内的信息沟通与传播具有打破时空边界限制、入群成员共同虚拟在场以及群聊信息具有及时、公开、共享性等新特征。在被广泛用于我国政府系统后,政务微信群成为政治信息传播的新媒介,实现了对我国政务系统的无缝隙覆盖,也已成为推动政务工作与社会治理的常规性手段。相较于正式的文件、会议、电话等传统的政治传播媒介,政务微信群深刻地改变了政务办公的逻辑与机制,重塑了政府内部的政治沟通体系。具体表现为:重塑了上下级之间的部署与督导考核体系;建立了分散部门之间的协调与联动治理体系;再造了横向同级政府组织之间的竞争体系。     

民事诉讼代表人制度中诉讼当事人制度论

我国现有的民事诉讼代表人制度中,将人数众多一方中的每个成员均视作诉讼当事人,但只将诉讼权利义务赋予代表人,被代表的当事人却无进行诉讼的权利和义务。这样的制度安排看似符合群体诉讼的特性要求,但却与民事诉讼制度原理相悖。考察相关国家的制度安排,发现我国现有代表人制度中的诉讼当事人确定既阻碍了诉讼当事人平等原则的贯彻,又不能使代表人充分进行诉讼,从而成为该制度不能被广泛适用的先天缺陷之一。因此,作为解决群体纠纷的诉讼机制,代表人制度中诉讼当事人的选择,既要满足群体诉讼的特殊要求,又应契合民事诉讼当事人制度原理的运行机制。     

拉美中产阶级政党的困境:以墨西哥国家行动党为例

中产阶级政党的发展与其阶级基础和政治立场等因素有关。拉美中产阶级政党在进口替代工业化进程中崭露头角,但在近年来普遍面临发展困境。本文以墨西哥国家行动党为案例探讨这种困境的成因,对该党内部派系斗争、社会基础等因素进行历史分析。作为持中右立场的中产阶级政党,墨西哥国家行动党长期面临两大制约。一是来自右翼势力的渗透,导致该党政治定位出现摇摆,从中间立场向右翼摆动,党内长期分裂,党政不和。二是狭隘的阶级基础所造成的地域局限性。国家行动党的主要力量集中在中小企业发达的北部地区,难以成长为全国性大党和国会中的多数党。在这两种制约因素的共同作用下,国家行动党选举竞争力不强、执政能力低下,始终无法建立广泛而稳定的群众基础,陷入发展困境。结合阿根廷激进公民联盟和哥斯达黎加民族解放党的类似情况,本文认为拉美国家中产阶级政党普遍面临相似的困境。能否突破这些结构性制约,是拉美中产阶级政党发展面临的挑战。     

Quotas,women's leadership and grassroots women activists: Bringing women into the party?

Research has consistently shown that women are less likely than men to participate in political parties as members and activists; this participation gender gap has persisted despite narrowing gender gaps in education, employment and in other types of political participation.  Yet while the gaps are widespread, their size varies greatly by country as well as by party.  To what extent do party organizational factors help explain these disparities? More pointedly, are there any lessons to be learned from past experiences about party mechanisms which might help to reduce these gaps? To answer these questions, this study investigates grassroots partisan participation in 68 parties in 12 parliamentary democracies, considering whether factors that have been shown to boost the number of women candidates and legislators are also associated with changing the traditionally male dominance of grassroots party politics.  We find evidence of links between some party mechanisms and higher women's intra-party participation; however, because the same relationship holds for men's participation, they do not alter the participation gender gap. Only greater participation of women in parties’ parliamentary delegations is associated with smaller grassroots gender gaps. We conclude that parties which wish to close grassroots gender gaps should not rely solely on efforts aimed at remedying gender gaps at the elite level.     

Street-Level Bureaucrats’ Attitude toward Clients: A Study of Work Group Influence in the Dutch and Belgian Tax Administration

Abstract

Classic street-level bureaucracy literature has suggested that individual bureaucrats are shaped by their work group. Work group colleagues can impact how bureaucrats perceive clients and how they behave toward them. Building on theories of work group socialization, social representation, and social identification, we investigate if and how the attitude of individual street-level bureaucrats toward clients is shaped by the client-attitude of the bureaucrat’s work group colleagues. We also test whether this relation is dependent on conditions of attitudinal homogeneity and perceived cohesion of the work group. Results of a survey among street-level bureaucrats in the Dutch and Belgian tax administration (1245 respondents from 210 work groups) suggest that different mechanisms underlie the work group’s impact on the individual street-level bureaucrat in this specific attitude. The analysis furthermore reveals that work groups have a limited impact on the individual’s client-attitude. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.