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41.
戚建刚 《法律科学》2005,23(1):99-106
如果以谁有权宣布紧急状态作为分类标准 ,那么 ,波兰、罗马尼亚和斯洛伐克三国的紧急权力制度属于总统模式 ;而斯洛文尼亚、保加利亚和匈牙利三国的紧急权力制度属于议会模式 ;实施议会模式的国家的宪法也规定了议会闭会时紧急权力的宣布情形。与“事实时空”模式和“独任”模式的紧急权力制度的经典理论相反 ,东欧六国的紧急权力制度属于“制度时空”模式和“合议”模式 ,强调法律程序、合作、牵制和妥协。新东欧六国的紧急权力制度的经验可以为我国紧急权力法制化的目标模式提供借鉴意义  相似文献   
42.
英国宪法中的议会主权与法律主治思想探析   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
“议会主权”被认为是产生英国宪法的第一条大义。20世纪以来,特别是第二次世界大战以后,随着英国行政力量的加强和欧盟法体系的加入,“议会主权”受到了来自国内行政集权和欧盟法效力的限制和冲击。尽管如此,它依然保留了其在宪政体制中的核心地位。“法律主治”是以“议会主权”为前提的,其作为“英吉利制度的要素”和英国宪法产生的第二条大义,与“议会主权”共同构成了英国宪法的重要原则。  相似文献   
43.
This paper deals with the enquete commission on sects and cults established by the German Budestag (Federal Parliament) from 1996 to 1998. The author, who was appointed as an expert member of the commission, explains the public pressure leading to its establishment and the political considerations restricting its work. Although the majority of the commission was convinced of the harmful nature of cults, it was not possible to find any evidence of unlawful activites. Scientific research authorized by the commission modified the prevailing view of the dangerous influence of new religious movements. The final report of the commission is a political compromise denying any danger to the State and society posed by cults, but at the same time it demands new legislation to deal with them.  相似文献   
44.
ABSTRACT

This article analyzes questions from the European parliament (EP) to the Commission and Council of Ministers of the European Union (EU). The exponential increase in the number of questions since the first direct election of the EP in 1979 is testimony to the changing pattern of inter-institutional relations in the EU and to the growing involvement of the EP in a variety of policy areas. At the individual level, the members of the EP strategically use questions either for the purposes of specialization or in order to connect with their voters. Analyzing parliamentary questions is therefore relevant for a better understanding of representation in a supranational setting.  相似文献   
45.
Committees in the Australian parliament often make recommendations to government and attempt to persuade the government to accept them. Using a sample of committee reports tabled between the 2001 and 2004 elections, this paper measures the government acceptance of committee recommendations as a proxy for committees' influence. On average, the government stated it accepted three majority recommendations out of 11 per report, although this figure drops to two and a half when viewed as recommendations implemented and not merely promised. The government accepted virtually no minority recommendations. The most important report characteristic is the extent to which it affects the government's reputation, but the breadth of political support that it can muster is also relevant.  相似文献   
46.
The French constitutional law of 2008 is, with the modification of 47 articles, the most important revision of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, at least in quantitative terms. Surprisingly, there have been few attempts to evaluate the effects of the reform, whose official aim was to improve the status of the role of the (traditionally weak) French parliament. The purpose of this contribution is to analyse how MPs themselves judge this reform and its effects, especially on the role of the parliament and its everyday work. To do so we make use of the data of the LEGIPAR research project (September 2009–January 2011): 227 MPs answered closed and open questions about their perception of parliamentary work in face-to-face interviews. The data of the project DEPASTRA (2005–6) allow for a comparison with MPs' positions before the vote of the constitutional revision of 2008.  相似文献   
47.
This study is concerned with the substantive representation of disabled people (SRDP) in legislative settings; in other words, addressing disabled people's needs and concerns in policy and lawmaking. Mixed methods analysis of post-1940 Acts of the UK Parliament, backbench MPs' use of early day motions (EDMs) and written parliamentary questions (WPQs) reveals long-standing institutional ableism. This is the situation whereby systemic practices disadvantage individuals based on their abilities. Inter alia, the findings show that although recent years have seen some progress, there remain significant party differences in the prioritisation of the SRDP – with gains largely dependent on the parties of the left, as evidenced in the data on lawmaking, and use of EDMs and WPQs. Importantly, the findings also support recent theorising on ‘claims-making’ by revealing the pivotal role played by ‘critical actors'. These are parliamentarians (disabled and, crucially, non-disabled) who, compared with their peers, are disproportionately influential in promoting the SRDP.  相似文献   
48.
Die AG treffen im Kapitalmarktrecht Informationspflichten gegenüber ihrem Aktion?r. Die Bandbreite dieser Pflichten reicht von der Information des Anlegers als des künftigen Aktion?rs durch den Emissions- bzw B?rsezulassungsprospekt bei der Aktienemission bis zuden laufenden b?rserechtlichen Informationspflichten der AG (Ad-hoc-Publizit?t, Beteiligungspublizit?t, Regelpublizit?t). Allen diesen Informationspflichten ist gemeinsam, dass (ua) die AG als Emittentin für ihre Verletzung haftet. Aus der Haftung resultiert eine Schadenersatzleistung der AG an den Aktion?r. Leistungen der AG an ihren Aktion?r aber, die nicht in der Gewinnausschüttung oder der Verteilung des Liquidationserl?ses bestehen, sind nach § 52 AktG (Verbot der Einlagenrückgew?hr) unzul?ssig, soweit nicht eine im AktG selbst normierte Ausnahme vom Verbot des § 52 AktG greift (zB zul?ssiger Erwerb eigener Aktien, § 65 AktG). Der vorliegende Aufsatz widmet sich der seit mehr als 100 Jahren streitigen und jüngst durch eine Entscheidung des BGH wieder aktuell gewordenen Frage, wie dieser Konflikt zwischen der kapitalmarktrechtlichen Informationshaftung der AG und dem Verbot des § 52 AktG zu l?sen ist.  相似文献   
49.
宪政是民主运动的产物,是民主的宪法化。宪政是实现法治的前提和基础,但不等于法治的完成。宪政的实行离不开议会,而议会的顺利运行则有赖于政党。一个国家的议会制度的建立与完善是一个历史过程,是伴随着这个国家的政党的逐渐成熟完成的。  相似文献   
50.
New media technologies, such as the internet and email, have been seen as providing opportunities to reinvigorate representative democracy and parliamentary institutions. This article examines the use of new technologies by Australian Members of Parliament (MPs). It looks at the growth and function of MPs' websites and assesses how far such technologies might facilitate changes in their electorate, party and parliamentary roles. We analyse what factors persuade MPs to move online and how they then use the technologies. The results indicate that while websites amongst legislators are growing, they are used primarily as supplementary, administrative tools. Overall, technological innovation in the Australian Parliament is still relatively rare and it appears there are systemic barriers that limit the potential of information communication technologies (ICTs) in the representative process.  相似文献   
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