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51.
Michael Gruber 《Juristische Bl?tter》2007,129(1):2-16
Die AG treffen im Kapitalmarktrecht Informationspflichten gegenüber ihrem Aktion?r. Die Bandbreite dieser Pflichten reicht
von der Information des Anlegers als des künftigen Aktion?rs durch den Emissions- bzw B?rsezulassungsprospekt bei der Aktienemission
bis zuden laufenden b?rserechtlichen Informationspflichten der AG (Ad-hoc-Publizit?t, Beteiligungspublizit?t, Regelpublizit?t).
Allen diesen Informationspflichten ist gemeinsam, dass (ua) die AG als Emittentin für ihre Verletzung haftet. Aus der Haftung
resultiert eine Schadenersatzleistung der AG an den Aktion?r. Leistungen der AG an ihren Aktion?r aber, die nicht in der Gewinnausschüttung
oder der Verteilung des Liquidationserl?ses bestehen, sind nach § 52 AktG (Verbot der Einlagenrückgew?hr) unzul?ssig, soweit
nicht eine im AktG selbst normierte Ausnahme vom Verbot des § 52 AktG greift (zB zul?ssiger Erwerb eigener Aktien, § 65 AktG).
Der vorliegende Aufsatz widmet sich der seit mehr als 100 Jahren streitigen und jüngst durch eine Entscheidung des BGH wieder
aktuell gewordenen Frage, wie dieser Konflikt zwischen der kapitalmarktrechtlichen Informationshaftung der AG und dem Verbot
des § 52 AktG zu l?sen ist. 相似文献
52.
Stephen Ward Wainer Lusoli Rachel Gibson 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(2):210-222
New media technologies, such as the internet and email, have been seen as providing opportunities to reinvigorate representative democracy and parliamentary institutions. This article examines the use of new technologies by Australian Members of Parliament (MPs). It looks at the growth and function of MPs' websites and assesses how far such technologies might facilitate changes in their electorate, party and parliamentary roles. We analyse what factors persuade MPs to move online and how they then use the technologies. The results indicate that while websites amongst legislators are growing, they are used primarily as supplementary, administrative tools. Overall, technological innovation in the Australian Parliament is still relatively rare and it appears there are systemic barriers that limit the potential of information communication technologies (ICTs) in the representative process. 相似文献
53.
从马克思的财政理论到西方财政政治学的兴起——议会财政权理论的历史性梳理 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
财政是政府的命脉,财政权是主导国家财政资源配置乃至政治权力配置的关键要素。目前,西方国家议会的财政权已形成一个完备的制度体系,对议会财政权的理论研究也走向更深的层次。本文从阐述马克思的财政理论入手,着重介绍以亚当.斯密为代表的传统学派、以诺思和布坎南为代表的新制度主义学派和公共选择学派对议会财政权问题的论述以及当代以威尔达夫斯基为代表的财政政治学理论的兴起过程,在系统地梳理议会财政权理论历史发展脉络的基础上,阐明其在政治学研究领域的重要地位。 相似文献
54.
在中国,英文"Constitution"一词早期曾被译为"国例"、"例制"、"国法"、"章程"、"国律"等中文词。中国近代立宪意义上的"宪法"一词,最早见于王韬和郑观应的著作,但他们只是一提而过,并未作深入的阐述。维新期间的康有为、梁启超也多次提到"宪法"一词,但他们只是把宪法当作一般的律法看待,并无立宪涵义的认知,更谈不上提出了立宪的主张。学界长期使用的史料、康有为《请定立宪开国会折》中"立宪法"、"三权鼎立"的内容是后来改窜添加的。戊戌时期康、梁的政治主张主要集中在兴民权、设议院上,并非如学界长期认为的那样,已经成为了立宪主义者。康、梁真正成为立宪主义者,要在逃亡日本、大量阅读日译或日著的宪法著作之后。在日本,"Constitution"早期也被译为"国宪"、"政体"等词。日本近代立宪主义上的"宪法"一词,最早出现在明治初年对西方宪法的翻译中,后经立宪进程的推展而成为公定用语。中国近代对宪法概念首次展开深入分析的,是流亡日本后的梁启超于1899年撰写的《各国宪法异同论》一文。英文"Constitution"和具有立宪主义涵义之"宪法"概念,正是经"同文同种"之日本学者的翻译、梁启超以及留日学生的转述而在中国真正广泛传播开来。随着日俄战争中日本取胜,"立宪救国论"随之而起,中国立宪的进程才真正得以开启。 相似文献
55.
At the next general election the percentage of women elected to the smaller House of Commons risks being lower than in the current parliament, where they constitute 22 percent of all MPs. The 2008–10 Speaker's Conference identified many of the barriers faced by women and other under‐represented groups and made a series of recommendations, only some of which have been introduced. The Government favours a voluntary approach to Recommendation 24, which calls for diversity data monitoring, whilst Recommendation 25 which calls for serious consideration of legislative quotas in the absence of a significant increase in the numbers of women in 2010, appears forgotten. A second Speaker's Conference should therefore be established; the issue of women's under‐representation should be taken up above the party level—with legislative quotas introduced to address the system level failure of democratic representation at Westminster. 相似文献
56.
David Monk 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):137-160
Committees in the Australian parliament often make recommendations to government and attempt to persuade the government to accept them. Using a sample of committee reports tabled between the 2001 and 2004 elections, this paper measures the government acceptance of committee recommendations as a proxy for committees' influence. On average, the government stated it accepted three majority recommendations out of 11 per report, although this figure drops to two and a half when viewed as recommendations implemented and not merely promised. The government accepted virtually no minority recommendations. The most important report characteristic is the extent to which it affects the government's reputation, but the breadth of political support that it can muster is also relevant. 相似文献
57.
Paul Chaney 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):168-191
This study is concerned with the substantive representation of disabled people (SRDP) in legislative settings; in other words, addressing disabled people's needs and concerns in policy and lawmaking. Mixed methods analysis of post-1940 Acts of the UK Parliament, backbench MPs' use of early day motions (EDMs) and written parliamentary questions (WPQs) reveals long-standing institutional ableism. This is the situation whereby systemic practices disadvantage individuals based on their abilities. Inter alia, the findings show that although recent years have seen some progress, there remain significant party differences in the prioritisation of the SRDP – with gains largely dependent on the parties of the left, as evidenced in the data on lawmaking, and use of EDMs and WPQs. Importantly, the findings also support recent theorising on ‘claims-making’ by revealing the pivotal role played by ‘critical actors'. These are parliamentarians (disabled and, crucially, non-disabled) who, compared with their peers, are disproportionately influential in promoting the SRDP. 相似文献
58.
Olivier Costa Tinette Schnatterer Laure Squarcioni 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):261-277
The French constitutional law of 2008 is, with the modification of 47 articles, the most important revision of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, at least in quantitative terms. Surprisingly, there have been few attempts to evaluate the effects of the reform, whose official aim was to improve the status of the role of the (traditionally weak) French parliament. The purpose of this contribution is to analyse how MPs themselves judge this reform and its effects, especially on the role of the parliament and its everyday work. To do so we make use of the data of the LEGIPAR research project (September 2009–January 2011): 227 MPs answered closed and open questions about their perception of parliamentary work in face-to-face interviews. The data of the project DEPASTRA (2005–6) allow for a comparison with MPs' positions before the vote of the constitutional revision of 2008. 相似文献
59.
Julien Navarro 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(2):236-256
ABSTRACTThis article analyzes questions from the European parliament (EP) to the Commission and Council of Ministers of the European Union (EU). The exponential increase in the number of questions since the first direct election of the EP in 1979 is testimony to the changing pattern of inter-institutional relations in the EU and to the growing involvement of the EP in a variety of policy areas. At the individual level, the members of the EP strategically use questions either for the purposes of specialization or in order to connect with their voters. Analyzing parliamentary questions is therefore relevant for a better understanding of representation in a supranational setting. 相似文献
60.
The question - ought Britain to have a written, more properly, a codified constitution - is perhaps wrongly put. The real question ought to be - why should Britain not have such a constitution… She is, after all, one of just three democracies without one.
There are two reasons why Britain has lacked a constitution. The first is that, historically, Britain never had a constitutional moment; the second is the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Today, however, Britain finds herself engaged in the process of gradually converting an uncodified constitution into a codified one. There is undoubtedly a case in principle for enacting a constitution, but perhaps it ought to wait until the process is completed.
There is, moreover, a tension between two types of codified constitution - a lawyer's constitution which would be long and highly detailed, and a people's constitution which would be short, but, inevitably, broadly-worded, and therefore open to interpretation by the courts. 相似文献
There are two reasons why Britain has lacked a constitution. The first is that, historically, Britain never had a constitutional moment; the second is the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Today, however, Britain finds herself engaged in the process of gradually converting an uncodified constitution into a codified one. There is undoubtedly a case in principle for enacting a constitution, but perhaps it ought to wait until the process is completed.
There is, moreover, a tension between two types of codified constitution - a lawyer's constitution which would be long and highly detailed, and a people's constitution which would be short, but, inevitably, broadly-worded, and therefore open to interpretation by the courts. 相似文献