全文获取类型
收费全文 | 539篇 |
免费 | 29篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 16篇 |
工人农民 | 33篇 |
世界政治 | 12篇 |
外交国际关系 | 6篇 |
法律 | 88篇 |
中国共产党 | 53篇 |
中国政治 | 82篇 |
政治理论 | 118篇 |
综合类 | 160篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 10篇 |
2017年 | 9篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 8篇 |
2014年 | 26篇 |
2013年 | 115篇 |
2012年 | 26篇 |
2011年 | 36篇 |
2010年 | 24篇 |
2009年 | 21篇 |
2008年 | 34篇 |
2007年 | 47篇 |
2006年 | 23篇 |
2005年 | 32篇 |
2004年 | 37篇 |
2003年 | 26篇 |
2002年 | 21篇 |
2001年 | 15篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有568条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
231.
探寻制约宁夏红寺堡区农民收入倍增目标实现的原因所在,是提出政策措施、力争使红寺堡区与宁夏同步实现全面建设小康社会宏伟目标的基础性工作. 相似文献
232.
Abstract The Low‐Income Housing Tax Credit (housing credit) that Cummings and Di‐Pasquale portray is effective, efficient, and healthy. However, rapid changes in the industry have turned some of their data stale, and the absence of suitable context and information invalidate some key analyses and findings. Moreover, the researchers sometimes seem to see the glass as 10 percent empty instead of 90 percent full. A practitioners’ perspective is more positive. The housing credit generates an array of public benefits while harnessing private investors’ business discipline. Genuinely low‐income tenants occupy the housing. The housing revitalizes low‐income communities. Properties are in good financial and physical condition. The housing credit is also cost effective. The economic fundamentals of producing low‐income rental housing, not the housing credit, necessitate substantial subsidies. A remarkably high proportion of the federal tax‐credit subsidy goes into the housing, and investor returns are modest. Nonprofit‐sponsored production appears to cost more because nonprofits are prominent in high‐cost locations and for other similar reasons, not because nonprofit developers are inefficient. 相似文献
233.
Michael Pyatok 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):803-814
Abstract This article briefly reviews the origins of New Urbanism and its manifesto as emerging from the social change movements of the 1960s, which evolved out of ideas of a previous generation of American and European designers living through the rise of modern industrialization. Arising from the same turmoil of the 1960s, and parallel to the New Urbanists, evolved a more loosely affiliated network of progressive academic and practicing planners and architects who have aligned themselves with disenfranchised underclasses not benefiting from the wealth of the postwar era and who take direction not from a manifesto but from a body of thinking linked to a broader intellectual and political agenda. This group works primarily with grassroots organizations in lower‐income communities and intentionally stays out of the limelight to better serve its constituents. The article concludes with ideas for possible collaboration between these professional groups serving different ends of the socioeconomic spectrum. 相似文献
234.
Abstract In his seminal work, Stegman contended that creative finance is an inefficient means of financing low‐income housing production. As evidence, he cited the high transaction costs associated with the complex financing structures that make a low‐income housing development feasible. In this article, we extend Stegman's work by examining the impacts of creative finance over time. We rely on data gathered as part of an evaluation of 36 housing developments sponsored by nonprofits. The data indicate that most of the developments in our study remained financially viable in part because of their reliance on creative finance. We find evidence supporting three positive impacts of creative finance: the establishment of long‐term partnerships, the increased community acceptance of low‐income housing developments, and the improved technical skills of organization staff. We also find that none of the long‐term negative impacts are inherent in creative finance and offer four suggestions on minimizing them. 相似文献
235.
Abstract This study examines the impact of housing policy convergence on the nonequity housing system in Ontario, Canada. Ontario has four distinct nonequity housing models— public, nonprofit cooperative, municipal nonprofit, and private nonprofit. This article argues that since 1990, housing policy in Canada, and particularly in Ontario, has become increasingly influenced by the neoconservative agenda of downsizing and decentralization of government functions found in the United States. The findings reveal that changes to housing policy have caused the convergence of nonequity housing models in the areas of management and administration. Drawing on the present findings and on an experimental project in tenant management, this article argues that the trend toward convergence will continue and will likely result in one nonequity housing model in Canada. This pattern is interpreted in light of the neoconservative agenda of both countries that emphasizes private sector solutions to housing low‐income families. 相似文献
236.
Sean Zielenbach 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):621-655
Abstract Neighborhoods surrounding large public housing developments have historically been economically distressed. The revitalization of many developments through the federal HOPE VI program, in conjunction with increased inner‐city lending and a strong economy for much of the 1990s, should theoretically lead to improvements in these neighborhoods. This study analyzes changes in selected HOPE VI neighborhoods since 1990 and compares them with changes in other high‐poverty communities, as well as with overall trends in their respective cities. At the beginning of the decade, conditions in HOPE VI communities were almost universally worse than in other high‐poverty areas. By the end of the decade, the relationship was reversed. The changes resulted from a number of interrelated factors, including the redevelopments themselves, other private market activity, specific commitments of resources by city governments, and increased attention to the communities by lenders. These neighborhoods still qualify as economically distressed, but economic development now seems a realistic possibility. 相似文献
237.
Abstract This article presents evidence that components of social capital can play a prospective role in preventing crime in low‐income housing. It develops a conceptual approach to crime prevention involving social capital, alternative forms of ownership, and environmental design considerations. The study compares five programs that house New York City's poorest, mostly minority residents. The effectiveness of social capital in preventing crime is assessed using data from surveys of 487 buildings in Brooklyn, NY, and crime data from the New York City Police Department. Results of the analysis indicate that three components of social capital—basic participation in tenant associations, tenant prosocial norms, and a building's formal organization—were all related to reducing various types of crime in the buildings under study 6 to 12 months after social capital was measured. The effectiveness of social capital was related to alternative ownership structures, building characteristics, and housing policy. 相似文献
238.
Lawrence J. Vale 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):267-298
Abstract This article examines residents’ attitudes toward homeownership in five large inner‐city public housing projects composed of multifamily apartment buildings. Based on 267 interviews with public housing residents in Boston, it contrasts their broad support for homeownership as a concept with their wholly mixed reaction to the idea of owning a public housing apartment. Interest in homeownership in public housing is shown to be independent of residents’ current employment status and closely tied to residents’ social investment in specific housing developments and to their perceptions about the quality of that development's management, maintenance, and security. The findings cast renewed doubt on policies that would make public housing sales a centerpiece of national policy, but they provide qualified support for more modest efforts to increase homeownership in public housing developments and in low‐income neighborhoods around them. 相似文献
239.
Edwin S. Mills 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):203-218
Abstract About 40 million Americans have mortgages serviced by escrow accounts. Yet escrow accounts are rarely covered by an explicit agreement between borrower and lender and are often poorly understood. As a result, escrow accounts have become the subject of growing controversy. Federal regulation of escrow accounts has become increasingly detailed and intrusive during the past two decades, and the subject is under almost continuous regulatory review. In the 1990s, the attorneys general of at least 10 states have sued large escrow account servicers over administration of accounts. The purposes of this article are to explain briefly how escrow accounts work, benefit relevant parties, and are regulated by federal agencies, and to evaluate alternative regulatory programs. Most of the legitimate social goals of federal regulation could be achieved by requiring an explicit escrow agreement at the time of closing on a mortgage. A second‐best requirement would be that interest be paid on escrow balances. 相似文献
240.
Kenneth R. Harney 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):321-327
Abstract This article uses survey data from the Moving to Opportunity demonstration program in Chicago to explore changes for households moving from public housing. The focus is on two key areas: housing and neighborhood conditions, and labor force participation and employment of householders. The experimental design of the program allows the differences between comparison households, which moved with a regular Section 8 voucher, and experimental households, which moved to low‐poverty neighborhoods with housing counseling assistance, to be examined. The findings, based on interviews an average of 18 months after families moved, reveal dramatic improvements in neighborhood and housing conditions for all participating families; experimental families experienced even greater gains in terms of housing and especially neighborhood conditions. Labor force participation and employment increased for householders in both groups, likely fueled by the robust economy throughout much of the country and supporting similar findings for program participants in New York and Boston. 相似文献