中国宪政史上的“人民”观

宪政权力源自“人民”,“人民”观决定着宪政的航向。中国究政史上“臣民”观向“人民”观的转变标示出中国宪政的发展历程。清末立宪固守专制的“臣民”观,宪政改革失败。中国资产阶级宪政时期确立了资产阶级“人民”观,推动了社会发展,但“人民”仍不自由平等。中国无产阶级践行马克思主义无产阶级“人民”观,依靠“人民”实现了民族独立,进行社会主义宪政建设,最广大“人民”实现了自由平等。社会主义宪政时期,无产阶级“人民”观发展为阶层“人民”观,“人民”成为公平正义的载体。最广大“人民”是社会主义宪政的目的,“人民”观的创新对社会主义宪政建设具有重要意义。     

新时期我国生态文明建设的基本理念与实践方向

当前,我国经济社会发展面临国际经济形势空前复杂、国内最终消费需求增长乏力、经济下行压力增大以及资源环境紧约束等前所未有的挑战。在这种态势下,实现经济社会可持续发展的关键,是把生态文明建设的理念、原则、目标等深刻融入到我国经济、政治、文化、社会建设的各方面和全过程,把增长切实转到主要依靠提升发展质量、效益和内需消费上来,着力夯实生态经济基础,推进绿色发展,使人口、资源、环境与经济社会的协调运动,统一于人与自然和谐发展的大系统之中。     

Redeeming the ‘Indian’: sport and ethnicity in post-revolutionary Mexico

For many historians of Latin America and others, twentieth-century Mexico offers a shining example of a country that has been able to overcome its ethnic divisions. Following a decade of brutal civil war (1910–20) the state devised a range of reforms designed to incorporate previously marginalized sectors of society. Semi-autonomous indigenous communities were singled out for particular attention as rural teachers and cultural missionaries engaged in the dual task of bringing ‘civilization’ to the ‘Indian’ and simultaneously gathering cultural remnants of ‘traditional’ indigenous culture for inclusion within an all-embracing new national culture. Within an environment of mutual understanding and respect, mestizo children in Mexico City, for example, would learn the dances of the Yaquis in Northern Mexico, and Yaqui children would practise the games of Mayas from the South. But what were the motives behind such measures, and how successful were they? Using sport as his focus, Brewster suggests that the political rhetoric accompanying these reforms contained an inner contradiction: the cultural diversity of Mexico's ethnic groups would be celebrated within a homogeneous national culture. He argues that there is little evidence that mainstream mestizo society ever compromised its own values in order to embrace those of its indigenous compatriots. Rather, the underlying trend was one in which indigenous communities were forced to accept an urban-based model of civilized society completely alien to their own. Moreover, Brewster argues, the frequently ostentatious public celebration of indigenous culture, whether in sport, dance or other arenas, rarely moved beyond a level of paternalistic tokenism. Behind the facade of national unity, the reality of ethnic divisions lay hidden, only to re-emerge at the end of the twentieth century to the surprise of a complacent mestizo society.     

略论元代彝族土司制度的创立

元代西南彝族地区创立的土司制度,以其深厚的彝族社会历史状况为基础,以元王朝治理中国西南的总政策为背景。元王朝以战争为主要手段,统一西南,征剿彝族根深蒂固的地方政权势力,降服之后即委以各种职衔,规定任命、承袭、赏罚、贡赋等内容,渐次推行土司制度。在社会政治大变革中,彝族土司叛服无常,反抗不断,终元之世,确立影响深远的彝族地区土司制度,值得再探索。     

中国特色社会主义人民群众观的实现路径探析

中国特色社会主义人民群众观,是马克思主义人民群众观在中国的继承、运用、创新和发展．它在中国特色社会主义理论体系中居于最基础和最核心的地位。新时期、新形势下,灵活掌握和善于运用中国特色社会主义人民群众观,及时发现和高度重视在实现中国特色社会主义人民群众观中存在的突出问题,建立科学、合理、流畅的中圆特色社会主义人民群众观的实现路径,是贯彻落实科学发展观,建设中国特色社会主义的必然要求。     

把握终极价值追求 建立自由人的联合体——马克思主义中国化过程中需渗透的基本思想

马克思主义的使命,首先是无产阶级的解放,进而是全人类的解放,最终达到＂自由人的联合体＂的理想社会状态。通过理论武装无产阶级,使之认识到资本主义的弊端,认识到无产阶级的伟大力量及变革旧制度的基本途径,认识到人类社会的发展规律,实现无产阶级的解放。同时,深刻把握自然界、人类社会、思维领域的本质和发展规律,达到＂自由人联合体＂的理想状态。由此可见,马克思主义的基本思想在于探索人类解放的基本规律,实现人的自由解放。因此,在推进马克思主义中国化的过程中,始终要渗透这一原则性思想,从而不断推进马克思主义的理论创新。     

‘A Pre-eminent Right to Political Rule’:1 Indigenous Fijian Power and Multi-ethnic Nation Building

Abstract

The indigenous Fijian conviction of entitlement to political power was encouraged by their privileged position in the colonial state and their marginalisation in the modern economy. The development of a cohesive nation state has been impeded by ongoing conflict between two political imperatives: indigenous nationalism and the need to shape a system of political representation and government accommodating the interests of the non-indigenous citizens, primarily the Indians, who together number over 40% of the population. This paper traces the course of that conflict from the commencement of decolonisation in the early 1960s to the political instability arising from strengthened ethno-nationalism and military intervention since 1987.     

人民调解协议司法确认之定性分析

人民调解协议从性质上讲属于双方当事人为解决纠纷而订立的和解契约。《人民调解法》第33条所确定的司法确认制度本质上乃是人民法院依当事人双方的申请赋予人民调解协议以强制执行力之制度,司法确认程序属于非讼程序。《人民调解法》所规定的人民调解协议司法确认之路径是有违民事实体法和诉讼法理的。应当在立足于司法确认程序乃非讼程序之基础上,遵循人民法院审查人民调解协议所约定的内容是否适于强制执行之路径进行具体的程序设计。     

对执法为民几个问题的思考

公安机关和公安执法工作要真正做到执法为民,首要的是澄清认识问题。一是如何定位公安机关的角色?二是如何界定警察的权利和义务?三是如何行使警察权力?四是如何看待警务保障?只有澄清这些认识问题,才能使公安工作的每一个方面、每一个环节都真正体现人民的愿望、满足人民的需要、维护人民的利益,真正做到执法为民。     

怎样将大学办得让人民满意

教育为人民服务,办让人民满意的教育,是我们办教育的根本宗旨。大学在追求教学和科学研究的卓越性的同时,还必须让人民满意。大学是否能让人民满意,是检验大学办得好坏的一个标准,怎样将大学办得让人民满意,也是检验大学领导能力建设的一个根本性的标准。要将大学办得让人民满意,就应该做到:让学生满意,让家长满意,让政府满意,让社会满意。如果这四个方面都做到了,我们的大学才能是让人民满意的。在建设让人民满意的大学的同时,要注意树立依法治校的观念,处理好办让人民满意的大学和让大学承担无限责任的关系;处理好让学生满意、让家长满意与严格学校管理的关系;处理好加强基础研究与为现实需要服务的关系;处理好让政府满意、让社会满意与坚持社会公正、代表社会良心的关系。