江户时代日本知识分子对儒学的态度

江户时代日本知识分子与古代不同,他们对儒学既虚心学习吸收,又采取理性的态度进行批判与改造。他们并不是全面否定中国儒学,对孔子、孟子学说基本上是持尊崇态度,对宋明理学则大力加以批判,而这种批判,既不限于宋儒,亦非儒学本身,而是儒学中的"臆度之见"和"支离破碎、细末无用之事"。日本知识分子注重实践,趋于实用,也即是他们所说的"益"是否有无,成为判断一种学说的标准和价值取向。他们吸取中国儒学之精华,却除其糟粕,最终使中国儒学日本化。他们自身亦成为中日文化交流的桥梁。     

近代回族知识分子的历史选择

本文通过对近代回族知识分子依不同的时代背景所展现的不同价值追求作了分类和梳理。以论述他们在近代命运多变的中国紧跟时代步伐 ,作出不同的历史选择 ,为国家的新生以及回族的觉醒作出了特殊的贡献。     

做社会主义事业的建设者--关于加强自由职业者中党外知识分子工作的思考

江泽民同志指出,能不能充分发挥知识分子的积极性和创造性,是我们事业成败的关键之一,也是衡量党的领导水平和领导艺术的重要标志.加强党对自由职业者中党外知识分子的领导,是当前非公有制企业党建工作的一个重要组成部分,也是党外知识分子内心的期盼.因此,在新阶段必须认真研究和分析这个阶层的产生、现状、地位和作用,探索新的工作思路,实现"团结、引导、教育、帮助"的领导方针,充分发挥统一战线作用,加强对自由职业者中党外知识分子的引导和领导.     

21世纪党外知识分子在民主政治建设中的作用

21世纪是知识经济和信息社会的时代,科技进步和知识创新将比以往任何时候都更加显示出其重要性,而成为"科学技术是第一生产力"中最活跃、最重要并起着决定性作用的,是人这个因素.党外知识分子因此所具备的特殊性,已成为经济建设和民主政治建设中一支不可忽视的力量.     

The Unidad Popular Process as Represented through Siglo XXI Publishers: Between Local Reception and the Construction of a Global Event

This article deals with the role played by books and publishing houses in the representations and circulation of ideas relating to the Chilean Unidad Popular process (1970–1973). Due to its transnational nature, Siglo XXI stands out as a privileged object of analysis. This publishing house was founded by Orfila Reynal in Mexico in 1965, and opened a branch in Buenos Aires in 1971. Amidst political and cultural radicalisation, Siglo XXI Argentina factored in the local reception of ideas about the Chilean road to socialism, and its shaping into a global event.     

抗日战争时期毛泽东的知识分子思想

抗日战争时期是毛泽东知识分子思想形成、发展并在实践中取得重大成效的重要时期。他不仅对知识分子的社会属性及其特点、在中国革命中的重要地位和作用作了深入的探索,强调必须大量吸收知识分子,而且提出知识分子要在与工农结合的过程中教育和改造自己。这些重要思想对于指导我们党制定正确的方针政策,团结和吸引知识分子,促进知识分子健康成长,凝聚抗日力量,夺取抗日战争胜利,发挥了极其重要的历史作用。     

Revisiting the national question and rethinking the political trajectory of Africa in the 21st century

Abstract

The national question in postcolonial Africa encapsulates the totality of national and social challenges that needs resolution. These include the burden of building postcolonial nations, reconstructing postcolonial states, promoting economic development, entrenching popular democracy, defending national sovereignty, consolidating political power, and eventually achieving regional integration and pan-African unity, as long term goals. To resolve these issues, founding fathers crafted different national projects as working ideological and political frameworks, aimed at resolving the national question. This article builds on the continuing concern about the national question, to carry out a critical historiographical study of the nature and conflicted agendas of national project(s), while at the same time providing substatiation for their resuscitation during the current age of failing capitalist neo-liberal project. The premise of the article is that the national question remains relevant beyond the 20^th century as it entails dealing with unresolved national and social questions including challenges of converting territorial nationalism into pan-Africanism as well as democratising global asymmetrical power politics in the 21^st century.     

The Liberal Left Opts for Terror

For a century, intellectual debate on political violence has been dominated by efforts to romanticize the extremist and to invest him with the aura of the altruistic “freedom fighter.” It is astonishing that in the post-9/11 era, the terrorist's image continues to remain habitually mystified and ennobled, while terror attacks are justified as self-defense. “Terrorist discourse” is indicative of the universality of the intellectual position of the Left with regard to terror, national discrepancies notwithstanding. The present article evaluates leftist liberals' attitudes towards terrorism in the 20th-century Russian Empire, Europe, the U.S., and especially Israel—one of the epicenters of terrorism today. The article proposes to examine psychological responses to terrorism in conjunction with a range of contemporary reactions to threats, acknowledged or displaced with an assortment of mental constructs and rationalizations.     

France's last sociologist

Abstract

The publication of Michael Grenfell's Pierre Bourdieu: Agent Provocateur provides an ideal opportunity for a career retrospective of the academic sociologist who, in recent times, has taken most seriously his role as a public intellectual, indeed, one who gradually warmed to the status of ‘universal intellectual’ with increasing postmodernist disapproval. The French context of Bourdieu's development and reception is highlighted.     

Travelling with vehicular ideas: The case of the third Way

In all the various debates around Anthony Giddens's Third Way sequence, few attempts have been made to characterize its logic and impact as a type of discourse, a certain mode of ideas-work. The first dimension of this paper involves deploying Thomas Osborne's categories to depict the Third Way as a ‘vehicular’ idea, with the intellectual style of Giddens himself correlatively framed as that of a new sort of ‘mediator’. In these terms, the essential inclusiveness and indeterminacy of the Third Way series of texts is illustrated, and the issue of what counts as ideas ‘success’ in the vehicular mode is broached. Second, in line with the inherent mobility of vehicular ideas, I identify the keynote shifts in Third Way thinking over time, including the sociological register that it occupies, its pragmatism and its relationship to New Labour politics. In a third phase, the article takes up questions about the role of the critical intellectual today and the practical, though not theoretical, recovery of ‘ideology-critique’ in appraising ideas like the Third Way. The scope and limits of the very notion of ‘vehicularity’ itself are central to this discussion.