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131.
    
The present study, using household level data of East Midnapore district of West Bengal, India, examines the role of people’s participation in public service delivery. It considers four dimensions of participation namely attending meetings, raising voice, lodging complaints, and making contributions. The study confirms the role of participation in public service delivery. Apart from participation, households’ socioeconomic and political positions also exert significant impacts. There is, however, likelihood of “elite capture” and “clientelism” in the delivery of public services. Effective service delivery presupposes that while attending meetings, people must raise their voice and make contributions.  相似文献   
132.
Whereas it is assumed that involving users in the delivery of public services yields more positive evaluations of those services, this study shows that levels of satisfaction and trust are not necessarily positively affected by such user co-production. An experimental vignette design among students (n = 174) is used to analyze the differences concerning trust and satisfaction between co-produced and non-co-produced public services. In some cases, the results suggest, co-production actually leads to less satisfaction and trust. This might be explained by the self-serving bias, which states that co-producers take credit for success but blame service providers for failure.  相似文献   
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When deciding to resort to a PPP contract for the provision of a local public service, local governments have to consider the demand risk allocation between the contracting parties. In this article, I investigate the effects of demand risk allocation on the accountability of procuring authorities regarding consumers changing demand, as well as on the cost-reducing effort incentives of the private public-service provider. I show that contracts in which the private provider bears demand risk motivate more the public authority from responding to customer needs. This is due to the fact that consumers are empowered when the private provider bears demand risk, that is, they have the possibility to oust the private provider in case of non-satisfaction with the service provision, which provides procuring authorities with more credibility in side-trading and then more incentives to be responsive. As a consequence, I show that there is a lower matching with consumers’ preferences over time when demand risk is on the public authority rather than on the private provider, and this is corroborated in the light of two famous case studies. However, contracts in which the private provider does not bear demand risk motivate more the private provider from investing in cost-reducing efforts. I highlight then a tradeoff in the allocation of demand risk between productive and allocative efficiency. The striking policy implication of this article for local governments would be that the current trend towards a greater resort to contracts where private providers bear little or no demand risk may not be optimal. Local governments should impose demand risk on private providers within PPP contracts when they expect that consumers’ preferences over the service provision will change over time.  相似文献   
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The majority of existing research on the Indo‐Pakistani conflict has shown that this conflict persists due to the confronting actors' long‐term incompatibility in goals and their use of realpolitik conceptions to resolve their core issue—Kashmir. While most of this research is focused on the dynamics of already established realpolitik scholarship, less is known about how it contributed to make this dyad exceedingly dangerous in the post–Cold War era. The present effort attempts to account for the “action‐reaction conundrum” by illuminating how the traditional realist practices are performing contrary to their security maximization objectives in the India‐Pakistan rivalry. In order to bring the two states out of their prolonged security dilemma, what is needed is a way forward through the transformation of the Line of Control on the basis of an approach that combines the Westphalian state and an alternative paradigm. This article concludes by discussing the steps required to move in this direction, that is, toward Indo‐Pakistani coexistence and a progressive future for South Asia more generally.  相似文献   
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The Pearl River Delta, after pell‐mell industrialization, suffers air pollution. Two‐thirds of the pollutants come from Hong Kong–owned factories in Guangdong. Direct 2011 medical costs in Hong Kong are reliably estimated at US$513 million, and annual excess Hong Kong deaths from air pollution exceed 3,000. Dirty air hurts quality of life, recruitment of professionals, tourism, and other desiderata—including government legitimacy. This article surveys the relevant politics, medicine, economics, and air chemistry, recommending cap‐and‐trade policies that are acceptable where markets now rule in both “systems” of Hong Kong‐Guangdong. It stresses the need for official enforcement of caps. Although local governments have cooperated to establish air‐monitoring stations, they have yet to leverage Hong Kong's expertise in regulation and Guangdong's potential for manufacture of air‐cleansing equipment. They need a regional emissions trading scheme (ETS). With Beijing's plans to have a nationwide ETS by 2015, this severe problem could be solved sooner rather than later.  相似文献   
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139.
    
This article examines the increasing complex interdependence of China and the United State in an era of globalization. Deng Xiaoping's strategy of reform and opening requires a peaceful international environment. The normalization of relations with Washington was critical for China's move toward modernization. As China opens its door wider, Sino‐American relations have matured to a much higher level. As the recent Strategic Economic Dialogue between Beijing and Washington indicate, bilateral relations have become truly interdependent. Interdependence creates both sensitivity and vulnerability. Lampton has described U.S.‐China relations in terms of “same bed, different dreams” (tongchuang yimeng). Considering the common challenges of global financial crisis and international terrorism, perhaps it is more appropriate to think of China and the United States as strategic partners sailing in the same boat (tongzhou gongji). The complex interdependence between the two countries is particularly critical in an age of global turbulence. This article analyzes the current challenges of China‐U.S. relations in the context of turbulent globalization.  相似文献   
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Although insurgencies may begin their rebellions with expressed desires for outcomes unacceptable to opposing governments, the desired insurgent outcomes sometimes undergo modification, creating conditions that can make governments more amenable to external mediation. In certain separatist conflicts, the likelihood of external mediation increases when the political redefinition of the state insisted upon by the insurgents undergoes a revision, from secession to self‐determination, understood as a variant of autonomy. In the same vein, although it may not happen concurrently, insurgent movements become more amenable to external mediation if and when opposing governments revise the preferred conflict outcome from a military defeat of the insurgents to a containment of the movement. These two developments can serve as objective referents helping external parties to identify a ripe moment in the conflict and initiate mediation. But the implementation of an agreement ending separatist conflict may not occur if the government fails to submit the proposed territorial bounds of autonomy to prior review by constituents. Potential spoilers among government constituents should be identified and recruited to participate in the negotiations so that the likelihood of agreement rejection is reduced. In some states, however, the legal mechanisms and political opportunities for constituents to act as spoilers do not exist.  相似文献   
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