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151.
周国宝 《胜利油田党校学报》2011,24(4):57-60
目前,房地产市场调控的当务之急在于稳定房价,避免其大幅度的上涨,唯有这样才能稳定民心,促进房地产市场的健康发展。而对房价的调控需要循序渐进不能冒进。政府首先要做的是遏制部分城市商品房价格疯狂上涨的态势,唯有阻止其上涨,才能慢慢的降下房价。若单从价格机制入手,一味打压商品住宅的价格,而忽略宏观上调节等其他影响房地产发展的因素,往往适得其反,必然会限制房地产业的发展。 相似文献
152.
ABSTRACTThere is no exact European equivalent to the U.S. Fair Housing Act. The member states of the European Union (EU) have transposed into law the EU Racial Equality Directive of 2000 that prohibits discrimination in, among other things, access to the supply of goods and services, including housing, on the basis of race. Most housing discrimination case law so far comes from nonbinding decisions of the European Court of Human Rights and European Committee of Social Rights under the revised European Social Charter of the Council of Europe. This article explains how the European context of discrimination and segregation differs from the American, reviews the major legal conventions establishing equal rights in housing, protected classes, and key precedents. It discusses how mixing policies in social housing are the primary mechanism to reduce residential segregation in Europe. The special case of extreme discrimination against the Roma is presented, before concluding with some comparative observations. 相似文献
153.
John N. Robinson III 《Housing Policy Debate》2019,29(5):752-768
ABSTRACTIn June 2015, the Supreme Court ruled, in a 5–4 split decision, that facially neutral state policies and practices that unintentionally segregated minorities could violate the Fair Housing Act. This article draws on the Texas fair housing litigation to engage broader debates on fair housing as a legal framework, and its potential for disrupting or transforming patterns of structural inequality. Specifically, it examines how shifts in the ways that society designs and implements housing policies may encourage courts, advocates, and legal actors to think about fair housing issues in new ways. Moving beyond the emphasis on disparate impact, my findings elaborate on two mostly overlooked ways that LIHTC reshapes the legal battleground in the fight for fair housing, by opening contentious debate on (a) the state level of government, and (b) passive government administration of policies. I interpret these effects as unintended consequences of the gradual shift toward market-driven policies that allow officials to govern at a distance. 相似文献
154.
In a community-level analysis, this study examines violent crime hot spots and displacement patterns in the city of Louisville,
KY, from 1989 to 1998. Park DuValle, a neighborhood in Louisville, KY, was one of the major historic hot spots for assaults
until 1998. The revitalization of the two vulnerable low-income public housing developments in Park DuValle, combined with
the acquisition of nearby dilapidated and unattended private property by the Housing Authority of Louisville, caused a shift
in the clustering pattern of assaults at Park DuValle in the 1997 and 1998. Maps revealed that assaults were displaced from
the Park DuValle neighborhood to the Central Business District—the neighborhood where the majority of former residents of
the Park DuValle public housing units were relocated. Both Park DuValle and the Center Business District were associated with
low-income census blocks in Louisville, KY. These low-income public housing developments have exhibited a higher incidence
of aggravated assaults. The results are discussed in the context of the possible revitalization of low-income public housing
units. The study concludes that clustering and displacement of assault hot spots as well as emphasis on the decentralization
of low-income residents need to be addressed further. 相似文献
155.
农村住宅的现状是与村庄的历史文化、风俗习惯、社会活动、地理环境、经济发展紧密相连的。建国以后,由于村庄社会结构的变迁,村民住宅在不同的历史时期表现出了不同的特征。近年来,农宅在快速增长的过程中产生了一些问题,产生这些问题的原因应从农民自身的经济、文化和社会生活中去寻找,作者在文中提出了解决农宅问题的建议。 相似文献
156.
157.
AbstractTransit-oriented development (TOD) has been promoted by planners and policy advocates as a solution to a variety of urban problems, including automobile traffic congestion, air pollution, and urban poverty. Since the enhanced accessibility offered by transit proximity is often capitalized into land and housing prices, many express concern that new transit investments will result in the displacement of the low-income populations likely to benefit most from transit access, a phenomenon which we term transit-induced gentrification. Whereas policy advocates have proposed a variety of interventions designed to ensure that affordable housing for low-income households is produced and preserved in areas proximate to transit stations, little is known about the effectiveness of these policy proposals. This article relies on an integrated land use/transportation model to analyze how TOD-based affordable housing policies influence the intraurban location of low-income households. We find that affordability restrictions targeted to new dwellings constructed in TODs are effective tools for promoting housing affordability and improving low-income households’ access to transit while simultaneously reducing the extent of transit-induced gentrification. 相似文献
158.
Nikhil Kaza Sarah F. Riley Roberto G. Quercia Chao Yue Tian 《Housing Policy Debate》2016,26(4-5):750-765
AbstractHousehold energy expenditures, especially for transportation, are fairly inelastic. Their effects on low-income households may be significant, due to the potential for energy consumption to displace other types of consumption when energy prices rise. Using accessibility as a proxy for lower transportation costs, we test the hypothesis that low- and moderate-income residents are less likely default when they are located in more accessible places. We find that regional accessibility has almost no effect on risks of default, but local job diversity has moderate mitigating effect. 相似文献
159.
Rebecca J. Walter 《Housing Policy Debate》2016,26(4-5):670-691
AbstractAffordability, a key factor in the housing search process, becomes critical when locating rental housing in opportunity-rich areas. The Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) program accommodates low-income households searching for housing and encourages recipients to reside in low-poverty areas. Affordable neighborhoods that are accessible to public transportation are often found in distressed areas, and not all HCV recipients succeed in locating qualified housing. To address these challenges, a housing search framework is developed to assist HCV households in the housing search process. This framework builds on the methodology of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) for the Location Affordability Index and Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing assessment tool by creating multivariate indices that incorporate housing supply, accessibility to opportunity, and neighborhood conditions. The framework serves as a foundation for an online housing search application for public housing authorities to further fair housing goals, HCV recipients to locate qualified housing units, and local governments to assess affordability and opportunity. 相似文献
160.
Malini Ranganathan 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2016,27(3):17-33
The lead poisoning of Flint, Michigan’s water is popularly framed as a case of “environmental racism” given that Flint’s population is mostly black and lower income. In this essay I argue that we see the environmental racism that underlies Flint’s water poisoning not as incidental to our political-economic order, nor even as stemming from racist intent, but as inseparable from liberalism, an organizing logic we take for granted in our modern age. I expand on the idea of “racial liberalism” here. While upholding the promise of individual freedoms and equality for all, racial liberalism—particularly as it was translated into urban renewal and property making in mid-20th-century urban America—drove dispossession. In Flint racialized property dispossession has been one major factor underlying the city’s financial duress, abandonment, and poisoned infrastructure. Yet, through austerity discourse, Flint is disciplined as if it were a financially reckless individual while the structural and historical causes of its duress are masked. Tracing the history of property making and taking in Flint and the effects of austerity urbanism on its water infrastructure, my central argument is that our understanding of Flint’s predicament—the disproportionate poisoning of young African-Americans—can be deepened if we read it as a case of racial liberalism’s illiberal legacies. 相似文献