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991.
992.
Ramses A. Wessel 《West European politics》2021,44(1):72-92
AbstractThe European Union increasingly uses ‘soft’ international arrangements rather than formal international agreements in establishing relations with non-EU states. This contribution aims to raise the question of to what extent a move from hard to soft law in relations between the EU and its partners can be seen as allowing the Union to ‘step outside’ the legal framework (if that indeed is what is happening) and disregard the rules and principles that define the way in which EU external relations are to take shape. Possible consequences include the risk that these instruments are not subject to appropriate safeguards, that parliamentary influence (by the European Parliament as well as by national parliaments) is by-passed and that transparency is affected. There are various reasons for the EU not to use formal procedures, but a turn to informality does come at a price. 相似文献
993.
Shalendra D. Sharma 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(3):82-97
ABSTRACT The liberal international economic and political order which the United States created from the ashes of World War II and has since led is in trouble. To United States President Donald Trump, the order which provided the framework under which sovereign states agreed to follow a rules-based system of economic and political cooperation and shared multilateral governance, has not only allowed other nations (in particular, China) to take advantage of US ‘magnanimity’, but also weakened the United States economically, while asymmetric alliances compromised its military advantages. Given the sustained assault this cosmopolitan order is facing, many fear that it may not survive if Trump is re-elected in November 2020. Indeed, if the United States response to the COVID-19 pandemic is any guide, an ‘America First’ agenda, especially a hard-line approach to China, will shape US policy if Trump wins a second term. 相似文献
994.
Heejung Chung 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2019,21(1):25-46
AbstractThis paper examines national-level family policies in a comparative perspective, to see whether they “crowd out” company-level family-friendly policies, namely schedule control. Further, it examines whether this relationship varies for different types of family policies, and for different groups of workers – i.e. distinguished by gender, parenthood status and skill divisions. The paper uses data from 27 European countries in 2010, and applies multilevel random slopes models with cross-level interaction terms. Results show that generous national-level family policies, in particular work-facilitating policies, “crowd in” company-level schedule control provisions, especially for high-skilled workers. However, very generous leave entitlements seem to crowd out schedule control provision. 相似文献
995.
Elisabeth Cunin 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(3):348-361
In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national ‘us’ and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of ‘divide and rule’. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of ‘citizenship from below’. 相似文献
996.
Michito Tsuruoka 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(1):34-47
ABSTRACTThe state and direction of Japan’s international engagement can best be understood as a competition between the ‘Japan first’ and ‘global Japan’ schools of thought. In light of the ever worsening security environment surrounding Japan, the gap between the Japan first school advocating a focus on the immediate needs of Japan’s territorial defence and the global Japan school arguing for more global engagement is widening. The competition between the two will continue to shape the direction of Japan’s foreign and security posture – and importantly, the global Japan school is far from winning, contrary to what Abe’s hyperactive diplomacy might suggest. 相似文献
997.
WTO与环保有关的贸易条款评析 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
WTO《马拉喀什建立世界贸易组织协定》、GATT1 994、《技术性贸易壁垒协定》、《实施卫生与植物卫生措施协定》、《补贴与反补贴措施协定》、《农业协定》、《服务贸易总协定》和《与贸易有关的知识产权协定》以及《政府采购协定》中均含有与环境保护有关的贸易条款。如何应对与运用这些条款并推动它们的进一步完善 ,是我们面临的重要问题 ,而这一问题的解决必须建立在对它们的深刻理解的基础上。 相似文献
998.
周晔 《江苏警官学院学报》2004,19(3):126-131
随着国际组织日益成为国际关系的重要参与者 ,国际组织的法律人格得到了国际法的承认。国家在加入国际组织时往往对部分主权作出一定的让渡 ,但国家主权与国际组织的法律人格在根本上并不冲突 ,两者是相互统一、相互促进的。 相似文献
999.
School corporal punishment is associated with many negative outcomes. This research explores the antecedents to the practice
and prevalence of school corporal punishment. A series of regression models indicated that two variables were significant
predictors of a state’s practice of school corporal punishment: rate of evangelical Protestant adherents and social capital.
A path analysis indicated that these two variables significantly predicted the rate of school corporal punishment in practicing
states. The path analysis also revealed a significant and negative relationship between rate of evangelical Protestant adherents
and social capital, but no relationship between rate of mainstream Protestant adherents and social capital. A mediation analysis
indicated that social capital serves as a mediating variable between evangelical Protestantism and rate of school corporal
punishment. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed. 相似文献
1000.
国际私法与国际经济法的关系问题探讨 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
从国际私法与国际经济法在不同的时间和不同的历史背景下产生与发展的历史进程看,由国际私法与国际经济法两者间的联系与区别而形成两个独立的专门法学部门。学术界对两者关系的不同主张及不同认识的结果预测为国际私法是国际经济法的基础法,而又是并行发展的两个专门法学学科。 相似文献