论英语语言学研究的多维视角

英语语言学研究在新的世纪不再是单纯的语言基础研究,应该本着开放的视野,更加注重研究的深度以及与其他学科连接的广度,并应随着学术研究的跨学科发展趋势,拓宽英语语言学的研究视角.英语语言学研究多维视角的提出有其必要性、合理性及可行性.外语工作者应不断深化哲学视角、文化学视角及政治学视角研究,推动英语语言学研究在新时期和新阶段的进一步发展.     

Labour market risks and political preferences: The case of temporary employment

The political economy literature has gathered compelling evidence that labour market risks shape political preferences. Accordingly, insecurity fuels support for redistribution and left parties. This article analyses this argument for temporary workers, a so far neglected risk category which has increased dramatically in the past two decades. Temporary workers also have been in the focus of recent insider‐outsider debates. Some authors in this line of research have argued that temporary work leads to political disenchantment – for example, non‐instrumental responses such as vote abstention or protest voting. This contradicts risk‐based explanations of political preferences. The article discusses both theoretical perspectives and derives conflicting hypotheses for the empirical analysis of temporary workers' policy and party preferences. The review reveals considerable ambiguity regarding the questions which parties temporary workers can be expected to support and what the underlying motives for party choice are. Synthesising arguments from both perspectives, the article proposes an alternative argument according to which temporary workers are expected to support the ‘new’ left – that is, green and other left‐libertarian parties. It is argued that this party family combines redistributive policies with outsider‐friendly policy design. Using individual‐level data from the European Social Survey for 15 European countries, the article supports this argument by showing that temporary, compared to permanent, workers exhibit higher demand for redistribution and stronger support for the new left. Neither the risk‐based nor the insider‐outsider explanations receive full support. In particular, no signs of political disenchantment of temporary workers can be found. Thus, the findings challenge central claims of the insider‐outsider literature.     

Going green: Explaining issue competition on the environment

This study addresses the dynamics of the issue space in multiparty systems by examining to what extent, and under what conditions, parties respond to the issue ownership of other parties on the green issue. To understand why some issues become part and parcel of the political agenda in multiparty systems, it is crucial not only to examine the strategies of issue entrepreneurs, but also the responses of other parties. It is argued that the extent to which other parties respond to, rather than ignore, the issue mobilisation of green parties depends on two factors: how much of an electoral threat the green party poses to a specific party; and the extent to which the political and economic context makes the green issue a potential vote winner. To analyse the evolution of the green issue, a time‐series cross‐section analysis is conducted using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project for 19 West European countries from 1980–2010. The findings have important implications for understanding issue evolution in multiparty systems and how and why the dynamics of party competition on the green issue vary across time and space.     

UNDERSTANDING DEVELOPMENT PROJECT IMPLEMENTATION: AN ACTOR‐NETWORK PERSPECTIVE

Development projects are central to international development, yet the actual practice of their implementation is under‐researched. In particular, we know little about how practice affects project performance and about how politics is enacted within such projects. This paper investigates these knowledge gaps through analysis, using actor‐network theory (ANT), of a donor‐funded reform project in the Sri Lankan public sector. By analysing, using mobilisation, interaction and disintegration of the local and global actor‐networks that typically surround such development projects, the paper explains the project's trajectory. These actions represent the practice of politics that must, in turn, be understood in relation to network actor power: not through a static conception of ‘capacitive power’ but through the dynamic enacted concept of ‘associative power’. The paper concludes by reflecting on the contribution and limitations of ANT's local/global networks component in analysing development projects, and in providing insights for development project practice. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The 2013 South Tyrolean Election: The End of SVP Hegemony

The results of the 2013 South Tyrolean elections, held on 27 October, caused major changes in the political system of the autonomy. For the first time since the Second World War the South Tyrolean People's Party (SVP) lost its absolute majority. While the German secessionist parties increased their electoral support, the Italian parties suffered heavy electoral losses, thus leading to an under-representation of Italian speakers in the political institutions. The election report shows how the electoral results affect the South Tyrolean system of ethnic proportional representation, which is characterized by an increasing asymmetry.     

既判力主观范围扩张的域外样本与中国路径

既判力是大陆法系国家及地区民事诉讼立法和理论的基本概念。现代社会经济关系的日益复杂对既判力主观范围的扩张提出了要求,对此,我国立法及理论却鲜有涉及。立法的空白、与诉讼法内部理论体系的不契合以及与实体法理论体系的衔接不当,导致了其在实际适用中的混乱。德、日、我国台湾地区均以立法的形式明确了既判力主观范围的扩张,学说对其类型化的分析也相当成熟。我们应当以大陆法系国家及地区的域外样本为参照,构建既判力主观范围扩张的中国图景。     

社会主义核心价值观融入高校学生党员教育路径研究

高校是用社会主义核心价值体系武装青年的重要思想阵地。在学生党员教育培训、社会实践、行为规范、校园文化和激励考核中融入社会主义核心价值观,引导他们对核心价值观的真正认知、认同与践行,并在学习生活中发挥先锋模范作用,有利于高校学生党建工作发展方向的准确把握、高校学生党员思想政治教育的内容创新和高校学生党员健全政治人格的稳定形成。     

They Come over Here … 300 Years of Xenophobic Propaganda in England

England's rulers, merchants, and organized labor in the early modern period (from the 16th to the 18th centuries) were all actively using what today we would call propaganda. Each group appreciated the need to get popular opinion on its side, or at the least to convince other groups it was in the public interest to act in a particular way. This study focuses on the use of xenophobic narratives by these actors in order to further their political, economic, or cultural objectives. The targets were economic rivals including the Dutch, but most particularly ethnic and religious outgroups, including Roman Catholics, Muslims, and Jews. Although there were public relations win-wins for anyone who was able successfully to demonize foreigners, racist and xenophobic propaganda was often more pernicious than the tellers realized, in many cases extending its influence over several generations. In addition, it is clear that many narratives failed to engage with public opinion, for reasons that were not always clear to the groups responsible for them.     

陈云对廉洁政治建设的实践探索与理论贡献

陈云长期担任党和国家重要领导职务,为党的廉洁政治建设进行了宝贵的实践探索,做出了重要的理论贡献。在政治行为主体层面上,陈云主张建设廉洁政治就是要实现干部清正;在政治运行机制设计层面上,陈云主张建设廉洁政治就是要实现政府清廉;在政治价值目标塑造层面上,陈云主张建设廉洁政治就是要实现政治清明。     

论清官人格中的儒家伦理政治文化因素

中国古代清官大都具有公正廉明、勤政爱民的高尚人格,并能毕其一生持之以恒。清官人格的形成有着深厚的儒家伦理政治文化根基,哲学基础上的天人之辨、治国模式上的德治传统、权力来源上的民本思想和价值取向上的义利观共同构筑了中国古代清官人格塑造的理论渊源。深入理解传统文化因素在清官人格塑造中的作用对当前的官员品德培养及廉洁文化建设有着重要的现实意义。