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81.
Marina Kaneti 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(6-7):620-633
This paper interweaves an ancient conceptualization of movement and mobility with the paradigmatic case of early twentieth-century Chinese migration to the USA in order to explore migrants’ ability to both re-interpret institutional control of movement and generate identities that garner institutional and community acceptance. By not ‘settling’ migrants into the discourse of (undocumented) immigrants, the paper (i) develops a framework for the study of migrants–state interactions that goes beyond claims to citizenship and demands for rights and (ii) explores practices and means through which migrants gain access to restricted territories and maintain presence in otherwise unwelcoming communities. The paper argues that such practices explicate the autonomy of migration: a phenomenon that is constitutive to processes of political transformation and is critical to the study of state sovereignty, citizenship rights, and political agency. 相似文献
82.
赵蓉 《西南政法大学学报》2006,8(3):71-77
目前,人们对失地农民的关注明显不足。失地农民失去的不仅是土地,而且是附载在土地上的一切权利。对失地农民这一特殊概念的法学内涵进行揭示,避开弱势群体一般意义上的外观弱势性表现,深入其权利弱势结构内部对失地农民予以界定和进行理性思考,是十分必要的。 相似文献
83.
本文以"性别化年龄"这一概念解析四川一家大型酒楼的"大姐"和"小妹"这两个有一定差异的打工者群体在劳资关系中所处的不同地位.重点在于探讨性别与年龄如何成为女性农民工看待自己工作及处理劳资关系的认知基础和行动源泉.所谓"性别化年龄"指涉及年龄问题的社会性别建构.这时候的年龄问题已经不是一种简单的生物事实,而成为一种复杂的"社会事实".对那些自认并被别人称为"大龄"的打工妹群体而言,这一社会事实往往充当着一种对集体意识和集体行动的限制.对那些所谓"小龄"打工妹群体来说,性别化的年龄尺度常常可以作为工人与老板博弈的空间而存在. 相似文献
84.
随着自19世纪50年代以来沙俄的移民和侵略,清政府逐步解除了东北地区的封禁政策,开始招民垦荒,以图巩固边防。中日甲午战争后,日本也把侵略的触角伸向这一地区。尤其是在日俄战争结束后,沙俄和日本分别将"北满"、"南满"划为各自的势力范围,以铁路为依托,逐步实行殖民统治。沙俄和日本的入侵使得清政府感到自己在东北的统治受到严重的威胁,为维持在东北的统治,进一步把东北的荒地全体开放。总体来看,这一时期清政府在东北地区招民垦荒政策的实施与日俄长期争夺东北是密不可分的。 相似文献
85.
调查显示,群众对社会治安状况最关注的问题中,有相当一部分与第二代城市移民有着密切联系。第二代城市移民违法犯罪问题是司法实践中较为突出的问题之一,直接影响社会治安秩序和人民群众的安全感和满意度。根据其产生违法犯罪的原因,有针对性地采取加强学校教育、改善家庭教育、发挥社区作用、建立登记管理制度、充分发挥公安机关的作用等一系列的措施对第二代城市移民违法犯罪问题进行防控和治理。 相似文献
86.
唐丽婷 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2010,10(4):48-51
农产品价格的非正常上涨对整个社会生活造成了很大影响。它的价格非正常上涨既有全球流动性过剩的因素,也有农产品供给减少、短期资金炒作的因素。我们应该采取适度的货币政策,加大农产品的生产和流通的管理,增加农产品供给,限制游资炒作,并做好低收入家庭的补贴工作,以应对农产品价格的非正常上涨。 相似文献
87.
新时期,宁夏生态移民新区凸现的主要社会问题和社会矛盾已严重影响到“搬得出、稳得住、能致富”这一生态移民目标的实现.加强和创新生态移民新区社会管理的对策建议、研究成果和研究内容对西部民族地区生态移民的可持续推进有十分重要的借鉴意义. 相似文献
88.
Norberto Ribeiro Carla Malafaia Maria Fernandes-Jesus Tiago Neves 《Journal of Civil Society》2014,10(1):51-68
AbstractThis article aims to compare discourses about national and European policies on active citizenship and democratic participation, with a particular focus on youth and migrants. For this purpose we analysed official documents of public institutions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in order to assess how the process of Europeanization has influenced national policies with regard to increasing political participation and citizens' civic awareness. Additionally, we conducted interviews with policy makers and NGO leaders in order to integrate and compare different levels of discourse and thus identify potential dissonances. Analysis of the documents shows that there is a strong concern to match national policy priorities with those established by international organizations. Notwithstanding positive perceptions, NGO leaders and policy makers criticize the ways policies have been implemented, stressing the need to adopt a strategy that bridges the gap between the prescribed and the real, as well as the importance of overcoming the hegemony of economic factors in policy decisions. In this regard, NGO leaders criticize the cynicism of political leaders and policies motivated by demographic and economic concerns. In relation to European identity and integration, NGO leaders argue that Europe must be collectively constructed; yet, policy makers stress that the failure of the Constitutional Treaty in 2005 resulted from a deficit in the negotiation process. In sum, this article suggests that it is necessary to promote greater involvement of civil society in the design and implementation of policies which, in turn, may contribute to the strengthening of shared democratic principles. 相似文献
89.
Joerg Le Blanc 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(5):798-819
For a long time, insurgency was a rural affair. The growing modernization of the modern world, however, shifts conflicts to the cities and requires us to explore the logics of armed struggle in urban environments. This article explores how the urban environment shapes armed conflicts, and argues that insurgents face severe practical constraints when acting in the cities. The urban environment offers the insurgents alternative ways of financing and of operating while close state control impedes them in pursuing a classic strategy of insurgency. Although state control cannot prevent attacks as such, it particularly hampers insurgents in relating to the population and organizing opposition. However, without massive and active support, armed struggle will remain sectarian and, thus, fail to achieve major political changes. This article argues that urban insurgents face a paradoxical relationship with society. While urban insurgents become independent of social support on an operational level, they depend more than ever on spontaneous massive and active social support on a strategic level. 相似文献
90.
In an age of transnational flows and interdependencies, democratic citizenship can no longer be conceptualized exclusively within national boundaries. This paper presents a conceptual map that allows tracing emerging and proposed forms of citizenship within and beyond the nation state in a comprehensive and differentiated way. We disentangle two anchor points: membership in a political community as the fundament of citizenship and the arena of political decision-making as the focal point of citizenship rights, identities and practices. For the former we differentiate between a single national community, the universal community of humankind and multiple (national) communities. For the latter we distinguish the national, supra-national and transnational arena. Our typology thus consists of nine different forms of democratic citizenship. It is used to provide a brief overview over normative proposals and empirical findings leading to the following insights: while membership in a particular national community still dominates the reality in all three political arenas, in the normative discourse it is perceived as deficient. Membership in the universal community of humankind is widely endorsed in the normative discourse, but almost nonexistent. In contrast, membership in multiple communities is not only a growing reality but also normatively promising for democratizing a transnationalizing world. 相似文献