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121.
江献军 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2009,8(2):59-61
矫正教育是监狱权的行使方式之一,是利用道德的“软力量”对罪犯进行教化,从而达到罪犯再社会化的目的。深化的复归理论、教育刑理论、刑罚人道化思想从不同的角度和侧面共同作用、合力支持着矫正教育的理论。我国的矫正教育制度基本上符合矫正教育的理念和世界各国普遍的作法,但由于受立法时各种条件的局限,在立法理念、立法技术和制度保障方面还存在着一定的缺陷,对此在以后的矫正教育制度设计中应给予必要的关注。 相似文献
122.
马克思主义与时俱进的理论品质,源于马克思和恩格斯所具有的与时俱进的理论研究品质.他们在理论研究过程中,始终坚持刻苦钻研,不懈追求,致力于攀登科学高峰;始终坚持精心研究,严谨治学,力求思想不断深化完善;并且能够做到审时度势,勇于更新,及时调整革命战略方针;做到与时俱进,随时关注新情况,不断提出新创见.这种与时俱进的理论研究品质,为我们在现时期研究和解决社会主义建设中的新情况新问题,更好地坚持和发展马克思主义,更好对推进中国特色社会主义事业的发展,提供了良好的榜样. 相似文献
123.
Edward Newman 《国际研究展望》2001,2(3):239-251
This article explores the concept of "human security" as an academic and fledgling policy movement that seeks to place the individual—or people collectively—as the referent of security. It does this against a background of evolving transnational norms relating to security and governance, and the development of scientific understanding that challenges orthodox conceptions of security. It suggests that human security is not a coherent or objective school of thought. Rather, there are different, and sometimes competing, conceptions of human security that may reflect different sociological/cultural and geostrategic orientations. The article argues that the emergence of the concept of human security—as a broad, multifaceted, and evolving conception of security—rreflects the impact of values and norms on international relations. It also embraces a range of alliances, actors, and agendas that have taken us beyond the traditional scope of international politics and diplomacy. As a demonstration of change in international relations, of evolving identities and interests, this is best explained with reference to "social constructivist" thought, in contradistinction with the structural realist mainstream of international relations. In a constructivist vein, the article suggests that empirical research is already building a case in support of human security thinking that is, slowly, being acknowledged by decision-makers, against the logic of realist determinism. 相似文献
124.
肖纯柏 《中国延安干部学院学报》2009,(6):35-40
执政合法性问题不是一个法律概念,而是一个政治概念。任何政党在执政后都有一个执政合法性的问题。西方国家在实践中形成的执政合法性理论,对当代中国共产党具有借鉴意义。增强执政基础,不能单纯依靠经济发展,必须同时解决好政治、文化和社会发展问题,处理好合法性与合法化、合法性与有效性、合法性与合道义性的关系。 相似文献
125.
In 2010, this journal published an early exposition of inclusive masculinity theory. Since then, the theory has been widely adopted within both the sport and masculinities literature. Furthermore, a large number of other scholars not using the theory have also documented and labelled new masculinity types. There has also been refinement of Inclusive Masculinity Theory, alongside theoretical critiques. In this article, we provide an overview of the genesis of the theory and its refinement, before considering and responding to published and unpublished critiques of the theory. We then suggest future directions for research. 相似文献
126.
刘淼 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2018,32(1):52-58
预告期作为劳动者辞职或用人单位预告解雇的期限,其性质的阐明关乎实践中诸多问题的厘清。在肯定预告解除权为形成权的同时,认可预告期"始期说"的内在性质,在"程序说"与"条件说"的外在性质辨析,在法律、集体合同、劳动合同关于预告期规定的选择中不囿于现有学说,在适当倾斜保护劳动者利益以及增强劳动力市场灵活性的同时,提出区分预告解除主体,根据具体情况分别适用。 相似文献
127.
Kalle Berggren 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2018,33(97):331-344
ABSTRACTSince its emergence in the late 1980s, research on men and masculinity has expanded considerably into an established area at the intersection of sociology, gender studies and related disciplines. There is now a wealth of empirical research but the theoretical debates have largely centred on Connell’s notion of hegemonic masculinity. This article focuses instead on the theoretical contribution of Jeff Hearn, arguably one of the central figures within critical studies on men and masculinities over the last few decades. The article identifies the main tenets of Hearn’s theoretical writing and tracks its development over time, and offers a critical discussion of Hearn’s theoretical position. The critique focuses on ambiguous treatments of central concepts and argues that tensions between perspectives such as materialist analysis, queer theory and intersectionality are not fully acknowledged in Hearn’s work. 相似文献
128.
Kressen Thyen 《Democratization》2018,25(1):38-57
Political protests constitute a major concern to authoritarian regimes. Existing research has argued that they indicate a lack of regime legitimacy. However, empirical evidence on the relationship between legitimacy and protest participation remains rare. Based on new survey data from Morocco and Egypt, this study investigates whether legitimacy played a significant role in student mobilization during the 2011 uprisings. In doing so, we first develop a context-sensitive concept of legitimacy. This allows us to differentiate the ruler’s legitimacy claims and the citizens’ legitimacy beliefs. Furthermore, we distinguish between two different objects of legitimacy: the broader political community and specific regime institutions. Our empirical analysis suggests that legitimacy had an independent and significant impact on students’ protest participation, yet in more nuanced ways than generally assumed. While protest participation was driven by nationalist sentiments in Egypt, it was motivated by dissatisfaction with the political performance of specific regime institutions in Morocco. 相似文献
129.
Eva-Maria Swidler 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2018,29(2):43-60
Since its inception Marxism has largely operated with a narrow definition of the economy which closely resembles capitalism’s own, focusing on wage labor as the pre-eminent example of capitalist relations of labor. A century-long series of challenges from heterodox radical economists, including those based in feminism and anti-colonial theory, has yet to broaden this definition of capitalism, but the fading importance of wage labor and the advent of new forms of precarious labor relations may allow us to break the hold of restrictive ideas of the economy. A larger, more comprehensive concept of economics locates value production and material exploitation in many forms of labor in addition to waged work, and provides a theoretical platform for building solidarity among seemingly disparate movements and constituencies. Marxism can and must incorporate critiques if it is to have continuing relevance. In fact, Marx’s original understanding of capitalism included the concepts of primitive accumulation and the reproduction of labor power, allowing broader concepts of capitalist exploitation to be incorporated into the Marxist worldview. New insights into the essential nature of capitalism and new possibilities for organizing and change may emerge from this paradigm shift. 相似文献
130.
Fabio Wolkenstein 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2018,21(4):433-455
On the face of it, membership ballots present a clear case in which intra-party democracy comes into collision with core principles of representative democracy: they weaken the autonomy of representatives, and undermine the authority of the voters. In this article, I investigate whether this is correct, and whether membership ballots are, therefore, democratically illegitimate, using the controversial 2013 Mitgliederentscheid in the German Social Democratic party as a critical case. I argue that there is nothing democratically suspect about membership ballots and mount a defence of intra-party democracy as intrinsically valuable, appealing to a principle of equal respect for persons as autonomous agents. It turns out that endorsing this principle has two possible implications: that the content of the ballot must be open to deliberation, and that these deliberations should be rendered open to non-members. I discuss these implications and offer some institutional design guidelines. 相似文献