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21.
Johannes Gerschewski 《Democratization》2013,20(1):13-38
Why do some autocracies remain stable while others collapse? This article presents a theoretical framework that seeks to explain the longevity of autocracies by referring to three pillars of stability: legitimation, repression, and co-optation. These three causal factors are derived by distilling and synthesizing the main arguments of classic and more recent research efforts. Particular emphasis is paid to re-incorporate legitimation in the explanation of stable autocracies. The article conceptionalizes the three pillars and discusses methods of concrete measurement. It then moves on to explain the stabilization process. How do these pillars develop their stabilizing effect? It is argued that reinforcement processes take place both within and between the pillars. They take the form of exogenous reinforcement, self-reinforcement, and reciprocal reinforcement. To illustrate the inner logic of these processes, I draw on empirical examples. I also state what we would need to observe empirically and how we can approach the three pillars methodically. A theoretical framework of this nature has two advantages: it is able to take the complexity of autocratic regimes into account while remaining parsimonious enough to be applicable to all autocratic regimes, irrespective of their subtype; and it integrates a static view to explain stability, with the emphasis on the underlying stabilization mechanisms and facilitates within-case and cross-case comparisons. 相似文献
22.
Sebastian Stier 《Democratization》2013,20(7):1273-1295
Mass media is critical for the functioning of every contemporary political system. Thus, we can expect a variation in media freedom depending on the type of government since political regimes differ with regard to the political, legal and economic framework in which news coverage operates. This article investigates the effects of regime types, namely democracy and autocratic subtypes, on media freedom. It is argued that regime legitimation and governance are the driving forces behind diverging media policies in autocracies. From this theory, hypotheses regarding media freedom and regime type are derived and tested empirically, relying on statistical analyses that cover 149 countries over a period from 1993 to 2010. The empirical results demonstrate that democracies lead to significantly higher levels of media freedom than autocracies, with other things being equal. Within the autocratic spectrum, electoral autocracies, monarchies and military regimes have the freest media, whereas the most illiberal media can be found in communist ideocracies, where the ruling party holds a communication monopoly. Media freedom in personalist and non-ideological one-party regimes is on an intermediate level. 相似文献
23.
Andrea Cassani 《Contemporary Politics》2017,23(3):348-368
ABSTRACTAutocrats cannot rule by repression and co-optation alone, and need to instil some sense of legitimacy in the populace. Lacking democratic legitimacy, and being in shortage of other identity-based sources of diffuse support, legitimation claims in post-Cold War autocracies increasingly rests on rulers’ ability to achieve concrete outcomes, including the improvement of citizen living conditions. However, autocracies differ from each other, and different institutional arrangements could influence a leader’s ability to deliver social services, and chase performance-based legitimation. Accordingly, this article compares the social service performance of different post-Cold War authoritarian regimes. The analysis demonstrates that so-called electoral autocracies outperform single-party and military regimes, although they show a capacity to provide for their citizens that is similar to hereditary regimes. These findings suggest that the legitimacy returns of introducing semi-competitive and participatory institutions could grow exponentially. Besides procedural legitimacy, these institutions could help rulers pursue legitimation through social services. 相似文献
24.
Michael D. Barr 《当代亚洲杂志》2016,46(1):1-17
For decades Singapore’s ruling elite has sought to legitimate its rule by claiming to be a talented and competent elite that has made Singapore an exception among its neighbours – an exemplar of success and progress in a sea of mediocrity. In this article it is contended that this basis of legitimation has been irreversibly damaged. In essence, it is suggested that the governing People’s Action Party has lost control of the national narrative, and its achievements are increasingly regarded as being “ordinary” by the electorate. The mystique of exceptionalism, which was the basis on which the government was widely presumed to be above the need for close scrutiny and accountability, has collapsed. This collapse has substantially levelled the political playing field, at least in terms of expectations and assumptions. The government can and probably will continue to win elections and rule through its control of the instruments of institutional power, but the genie of scepticism and accountability has been released from its bottle, and it is hard to see how it can be put back in. This fundamentally changes the condition of Singapore politics: the narrative of exceptionalism is dead and the Singapore elite finds itself struggling to cope in a new and critical political environment. 相似文献
25.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):183-207
Abstract The circumstances in which Japan's Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Matsuoka Toshikatsu, took his own life in May 2007 highlight two under-researched aspects of political corruption in Japan: the connection between bureaucrat-led bid-rigging (kansei dangō) and political donations to Diet members from public works contractors; and the arena of politicians’ political expenses, which provide opportunities for politicians to hide expenditure on illegal activities such as vote-buying. While suicide is a rare outcome of political scandal for major political figures such as Matsuoka, political corruption remains an endemic feature of Japanese politics. The conventional explanations of this phenomenon remain relevant in spite of electoral reform. However, Matsuoka's case highlights the pivotal position of the politician-bureaucrat nexus in facilitating the practice of ‘money politics’ and therefore the bureaucracy's role as a major institutional pillar of corruption. Matsuoka privatized public administration for his own political purposes, specializing in one of Japan's last sanctuaries – forestry public works – as a source of funding. While the legal system has been strengthened in the area of bureaucratic corruption and dangō, changes to provisions on politicians’ political expenditures reflect the ad hoc nature of government attempts to tackle the political corruption issue. 相似文献
26.
ARIANNA BOVE 《Journal of Political Marketing》2014,13(1-2):108-126
This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between marketing and propaganda through an analysis of social marketing as a mode of governing in permanent campaigning. The working hypothesis is that social marketing operations are agitational rather than propagandistic. The conceptual approach stems from a comparison of propaganda and marketing with Fordist and post-Fordist modes of production and governance. The research into the role of agitation involves an empirical study of the UK government campaign against benefit fraud, the most expensive of its kind. Using a combination of methodologies, the political context is framed through a discourse analysis that charts the historical emergence of the problem of benefit fraud and the material effects of this discourse on welfare spending allocation, content analysis is used to identify correspondences between different newspapers’ rhetoric and policy under different governments, and semiotic analysis helps to decode the message of the campaign against benefit fraud, as it relates to the overall government's strategy on this issue. The study offers insights into the political strategy of the government of New Labour between 1997 and 2010 and its resort to agitational techniques, exposing the limitations of government marketing and public relations in the context of an overall crisis of its political legitimacy, in both economic and political terms. 相似文献
27.
诉讼掮客是指在法官和当事人之间搞活动、拉关系的人,主要包括单打独斗、“垂帘听政”、“包二爷”和联营等类型,行政机关和公、检、法等司法机关的离职及在职人员等是其主要来源。诉讼掮客的存在原因比较复杂,对法律服务市场、法制建设和社会稳定产生了较大的危害性。因而有必要针对诉讼掮客问题,提出若干具体解决措施并完善代理、辩护等制度,设立“关系律师”媒体公开制度和法律共同体依法执业制度。 相似文献
28.
Sten Hansson 《社会征候学》2018,28(4):472-493
In this article, I argue that when officeholders try to avoid blame, they often engage in defensive performances which can be analysed in terms of how they exploit various multimodal semiotic resources to ward off (potential) criticism: the setting, appearance, and manner chosen for a particular interaction with an audience; and both verbal and non-verbal ways of arguing, legitimising, framing, and representing social actors and actions. I apply these analytic categories to interpret the data gathered during fieldwork at a major training event of British government communicators. By combining insights from multimodal discourse analysis, discourse-historical studies of organisational behaviour, and recent research into blame avoidance in public administration, I demonstrate how certain semiotic strategies used by officeholders have an effect of backgrounding the ideas about any possible norm violations that government communicators may have been associated with in the eyes of critical audiences, such as lying, spin doctoring, and using tax money for propaganda campaigns that may not actually serve the interests of the public. I suggest that analysts of government communication should pay more attention to the defensive practices of government insiders, and study in great detail how these practices are incorporated into everyday behaviour through professional training. 相似文献
29.
The topic of international legitimacy has returned to centre stage during the Arab Spring, in which the Arab League has apparently assumed a prominent legitimation role. Although some scholarship has studied how international organizations are decisive in legitimizing actors and their actions during conflicts, relatively scant attention has been focused at constructing a comprehensive analytical framework for this kind of assessment that could be also applied to regional organizations (ROs). This paper proposes that when actors are involved in battles over international legitimation, analysing their access to the socially identified brokers of three legitimation functions (appropriateness, consensus, and empathy) is key to assess their success. Particularly, we argue that relevant identity-based ROs may have a crucial legitimizing role by operating as brokers of regional consensus. For this purpose, two case studies – Bahrain and Libya – illustrate how the Arab League’s brokerage influenced the legitimation of the actors involved and their outcomes. The findings suggest novel implications about the decisive legitimizing impact of regionalism on conflict resolution. 相似文献
30.
How does the European Central Bank (ECB) legitimise its decisions and monetary policy programmes in the period from 2009 to 2021 in terms of input, throughput and output legitimacy? This article contains an answer to this important question based on a content analysis of speeches made by the presidents of the ECB. Ideally, the institution is founded on its independence and therefore cannot maintain legitimacy through public influence. This article proves that there are clearly most references on output legitimacy in the ECB's legitimation strategy, showing that it highlights its results as an independent institution to compensate for its lack of democratic channels in terms of legitimacy. Generally, in times of crises, there is an increase in frequency of references to legitimacy. During these periods, ECB actors also more frequently refer to throughput legitimacy in speeches, showing that the institution is in fact sensitive to public criticism. 相似文献