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161.
This is the pilot study for the Peace Education Curricular Analysis Project – a project that seeks to become a longitudinal and global analysis of national curriculum statements for pro-peace values. National education as a system of organized learning can act as a transmission belt – a cultural institution that assigns communal ideals and values and uses pedagogy to echo social standards. As this analysis considers that it is possible to assess non-peace education for peace education qualities, this study analyzed New Zealand’s early childhood, primary, and secondary education curricular statements to ascertain the presence or absence of three elements common in peace education programs: recognition of violence; addressing conflict nonviolently; and creating the conditions of positive peace. The methodologies used in this mixed methods study include directive and summative content analysis. This analysis finds that the curricular statements (2) of New Zealand have made progress to educate students toward peace and non-violence and that in general, the early childhood curricular statement incorporates a greater amount of pro-peace content than the primary and secondary curriculum statement. Opportunities exist to strengthen peace education content in future New Zealand curricular statements.  相似文献   
162.
Many contemporary conflicts are framed as antagonistic and difficult to resolve because of their zero-sum framing among the disputants. This article addresses the antagonism–agonism nexus and the political and contested nature of building peace. It has a three-fold aim: (1) to critically assess the interplay between constructive and destructive dynamics; (2) to analyse the circumstances under which conflict may move from antagonism to agonism; and (3) to advance the novel notion of agonistic peacebuilding. The Middle East Peace process is used as a critical case of intractable conflict to elucidate the enabling and restraining conditions for agonistic peacebuilding.  相似文献   
163.
The UN peacekeeping operations in the Central African Republic (CAR), Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Mali were in 2013 given peace enforcement mandates, ordering them to use all necessary measures to ‘neutralise’ and ‘disarm’ identified groups in the eastern DRC and to ‘stabilise’ CAR and northern Mali. It is not new that UN missions have mandates authorising the use of force, but these have normally not specified enemies and have been of short duration. This article investigates these missions to better understand the short- and long-term consequences, in terms of the willingness of traditional as well as Western troop contributors to provide troops, and of the perception of the missions by host states, neighbouring states, rebel groups, and humanitarian and human rights actors. The paper explores normative, security and legitimacy implications of the expanded will of the UN to use force in peacekeeping operations. It argues that the urge to equip UN peacekeeping operations with enforcement mandates that target particular groups has significant long-term implications for the UN and its role as an impartial arbitrator in post-conflict countries.  相似文献   
164.
和平与发展作为当代世界的主题,是对当代世界新变化、新特点的高度概括,有着坚实的科学依据,符合当今社会演进的逻辑,因而具有重要的现实意义.  相似文献   
165.
This article highlights the stressful logistics of final negotiations for the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, a treaty that both ended the Irish war of independence (1919–21) and authorized the creation of the Irish Free State (1922). The treaty also confirmed a new international border which is still problematic today (not least in respect to the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union). Caught between dissidents in Dublin and experienced British ministerial negotiators in London, the ostensible plenipotentiaries of an Irish revolutionary government were obliged to rush back by rail and boat on a fraught mission to Ireland and then return immediately to London for final negotiations. The article lays bare the circumstances of that fateful weekend of 2-4 December 1921, two days after which the Irish team in London signed a controversial document that was to be contested in a civil war between different groups of Irish nationalists in 1922. The author argues that logistical pressures cannot be divorced from political tensions bearing down on negotiators.  相似文献   
166.
俄美关系的基本特点已定型 ,即“冷和平”。现在的俄美关系是冷战后最“冷”的时期 ,1999年是双方关系陷入新低点的标志年。俄美是一对无共同利益基础的伙伴 ,导致俄美冲突的基础性原因是大国争雄 ,俄美的战略利益、地缘安全、国际目标都相去甚远 ,互相矛盾 ,俄美冲突具有不可避免性 ,“冷和平 ,冷伙伴”是俄美关系的现实写照。短期内 ,俄罗斯无力重开冷战 ,而美国将继续对俄采取两面政策。普京将高举爱国主义和强国意识的旗帜 ,俄美关系的实质不会发生重大变化。从长远来看 ,随着俄罗斯重振大国地位 ,努力成为多极世界中的一员 ,俄美对立将会升温 ,甚至向“热冷战”转化  相似文献   
167.
谢慧 《政法论丛》2007,(4):18-21
女性主义自由派是西方女权主义运动的先驱,也是其他各派女性主义的起点,其法律思想对女性权利意识的觉醒起到启蒙作用,并为整个女性主义法学的发展奠定了基础。进一步思考这一理论将给我们带来更多的启示及反思。  相似文献   
168.
冯卓慧 《法律科学》2007,25(3):159-168
人类历史的发展进程从来就是多元的而非单元的,而多元社会的自然发展过程有和平的,也有暴力的交往.但究其历史,经常的交往一般都是通过和平的途径.暴力交往尤其不可能成为经常交往的方式.有数千年文明史的中国更是如此.《盟吐蕃碑》这篇九世纪的原始文献向世人显现了中国唐代时期的一份国际和平条约.它揭示了作为一个大国的唐帝国如何与周边国家和平共处,创建外交上的和谐周边的典范,而究论这种与周边国家甚至与古代东西两极国家相处的和谐共处原则,则是中国古代传统文化的特色.  相似文献   
169.
王志强 《现代法学》2005,27(4):57-66
预防犯罪是整个社会系统中具有特殊功能的一个子系统。在提高构建社会主义和谐社会能力的过程中,如何最大限度地合理发挥预防犯罪的功能不仅是一个实然问题,更是一个应然问题。从规律研究的角度出发,预防犯罪应形成一种机制。这种机制是受其内在规律及特定社会环境影响的;因而,在现实预防犯罪活动中,预防犯罪机制应遵循内外三元结构动态预防的基本思路。在我国现阶段,提高构建社会主义和谐社会能力的需求决定了对现有的预防犯罪机制必须要在预防犯罪目标、预防犯罪结构和运行保障方面进行梳理,尤其要从社会发展的角度深刻认识“打防结合、预防为主”的社会治安综合治理方针。  相似文献   
170.
社会权的历史演变   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
龚向和 《时代法学》2005,3(3):27-32
社会权是与自由权同等重要的人权形式。作为应有人权和法定人权,社会权的产生和发展经历了从量变到质变三个不同的历史时期。前近代出现了社会权观念的萌芽;近代出现了社会权的理论和立法实践,社会权得以初步形成;现代出现了从国内到国际的社会权广泛立法活动,社会权获得全面发展。  相似文献   
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