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901.
新时代推进农民远程教育具有重要意义,其既是完善基层治理体系的需要,也是提升农民科学文化素养的需要。安徽省在推进农民远程教育方面积累了一些经验,包括出台规章制度、搭建适宜的学习平台、注重教学理念变革等,但面对新时代新情况新要求,农民远程教育也面临一些困境。对此,本文提出以下对策:注重宣传教育,形成正确的认知理念;树立协同发展理念,提升推进效果;优化学习资源供给体系;强化师资力量,增强师资队伍合力;制定发展规划,落实主体责任;建立相应的考核激励机制;提升社会力量参与效能。 相似文献
902.
基本生活需要保障是我国不断满足人民美好生活需要的基础。构建基本生活需要标准,关键在于瞄准相对贫困目标、构建福利认证标准和消除社会排斥状态。基于人类需要理论和国外基本需要战略等相关研究,应以民生保障、适度普惠、多维满足和防止伤害等为具体目标,建构起具有中国特色的基本生活需要标准。这一标准分为最低标准和适当标准两个层次,包括收入、医疗、教育、住房和照料五个维度的货币指标和非货币指标。以"美好生活"为核心的新时代社会政策体系要在全面性与协调性、主动性与精准性、适度性与发展性三个方向着力保障人民基本生活需要,从消除绝对贫困走向解决相对贫困。 相似文献
903.
Erin Trouth Hofmann 《后苏联事务》2018,34(1):1-16
Turkmenistan has experienced increasing educational migration, and many of these students hope to return home after graduating. The ability of returned migrants to succeed in Turkmenistan’s labor market is complicated by a variety of factors, including variation in educational quality across countries, intrusive state regulation of foreign education, and Turkmenistan’s large informal sector. Based on a survey of 98 Turkmen citizens, this study compares the career trajectories and perceptions of the labor market of people educated in Turkmenistan to those educated elsewhere. Because men and women undertake different strategies of educational migration, it also compares patterns of labor market integration by gender. Country of education does appear to matter for employment in Turkmenistan, but the effect is most prominent immediately after graduation. Women were less likely to be employed in Turkmenistan, partly because they were more likely to have been educated abroad, and more likely to have a partner abroad. 相似文献
904.
张丹 《北京政法职业学院学报》2021,(1):111-116
中国古典诗文体现着中华历代圣贤和文人志士的思想、智慧,蕴含着中华民族的精神品格。作为中国传统文化的精华,古诗文以其无可取代的精神力量,在提升学生语文素养的同时,发挥着独有的教化功能,实现着"立德树人"的根本任务。高职语文教学要通过对古诗文中蕴含的思政要素的深入挖掘,引导学生树立和坚持正确的民族观、国家观、文化观,实现古诗文在情感教育、道德教育和政治教育中的育人功能。 相似文献
905.
Research has demonstrated that paternal incarceration is associated with lower levels of educational involvement among fathers and primary caregivers, but little is known regarding caregiver educational involvement when mothers have been incarcerated. In this study, we present the first analysis of variation in school- and home-based educational involvement by maternal incarceration history, pairing survey and interview data to connect macro-level group differences with micro-level narratives of mothers’ involvement in their children's education. Our survey data demonstrate that children of ever-incarcerated mothers experience increased school-based educational involvement by their primary caregivers, regardless of whether the caregiver is the mother herself. Our interview data point to compensatory parenting as a key motivating factor in educational involvement, wherein a caregiver endeavors to “make up for” the child's history of maternal incarceration. Findings add to the literature demonstrating maternal incarceration as a distinct experience from both paternal incarceration and material disadvantage alone, and they suggest the need to explore the role of schools as potential points of productive institutional involvement for mothers with an incarceration history. 相似文献
906.
The article claims that, following devolution, increased proximity will increase policy capacity by changing the form of policymaking and providing greater scope for policy tailoring. The hypothesis is tested against devolution of higher education responsibility in Scotland and Catalonia. Results show that devolution did not entail the development of the same form of policymaking in the two regions, but it nonetheless permitted the implementation of policies and tools that were both in contrast with global trends in higher education policy. 相似文献
907.
Merili Metsvahi 《Journal of Baltic studies》2016,47(3):301-323
The aim of this article is to introduce the work of August Wilhem Hupel, a Baltic German author of the 18th century. The article focuses on the sections in his most voluminous work Topographische Nachrichten von Lief- und Ehstland (1774–1782) that describe Estonian peasants’ sexuality. Hupel’s writings belong to the sources of the history of the Estonian family, a field that has been rediscovered at the beginning of the 21st century. Thanks to the work of Marika Mägi and Nils Blomkvist, a new paradigm for research in this field has been opened up. This article adheres to that paradigm. 相似文献
908.
Igor Chirikov 《后苏联事务》2016,32(4):338-344
This paper challenges the central claim of Natalia Forrat’s article that university support programs under Putin targeted the suppression of anti-regime student mobilization. Empirical evidence, both on the national-policy level and on the level of higher education institutions, suggests that the government introduced support programs in order to establish a research capacity at Russian flagship universities and to develop a more competitive national science system. The low level of students’ political engagement can rather be attributed to the outdated structures of student representation, inherited from the Soviet period. 相似文献
909.
Natalia Forrat 《后苏联事务》2016,32(4):299-337
This article argues that Vladimir Putin's regime launched support programs for the leading Russian universities in 2005 because of a perceived threat of the political mobilization of youth, similar to the one that triggered “color revolutions” in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine. The support programs created cleavages in the university community, covered an attack on university autonomy, and made the containment of possible anti-regime student mobilization a part of an implicit agreement between the regime and the universities. The historical coincidence of the “demographic hole,” which caused a shrinkage of the higher education market, and high oil prices, which provided the necessary resources for the regime, made this implicit agreement possible. The article contributes to the research on authoritarianism, youth mobilization, authoritarian backlash after the color revolutions, and the development of research universities in Russia. 相似文献
910.
James Meernik Nenad Golcevski Melissa McKay Ayal Feinberg Kimi King Roman Krastev 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2016,16(3):413-431
Key to the success of peacebuilding and social reconstruction in the former Yugoslavia are the attitudes of these young people. Our goal in this paper is to explore young people’s attitudes about the prospects of reconciliation vis-a-vis those with whom their nations were formerly at war. In particular, we examine three sets of factors. First, we contend that the level of contact among people engendered by the segregated educational systems affects the attitudes of the young about the possibility of reconciliation. We suggest that those who are able to interact more frequently with fellow students from other ethnic groups will be more likely to believe in the possibility of reconciliation. Second, we contend that attitudes of young people about which ethnic groups were responsible for the violence in the former Yugoslavia and the efforts of the international community to bring truth and justice will strongly influence attitudes. Finally, we examine other factors such as education and the influence of gender on reconciliation. 相似文献