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111.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(3):199-215
Abstract This article seeks to provide a conceptual framework to complement and guide the empirical analysis of civil society. The core argument is that civil society must be understood, not as a category of (post)industrialized society, but as one of individualized society. Civil society is characterized by individualism that is sustained and protected by the civil values of autonomy and emancipation. This, accordingly, implies that empirical data of civil society can be understood most fruitfully within the framework of individualized society. Classical sociology, however, perceives this very individualism and its values as being antagonistic to its own civic vision. Hence, the crucial question is whether there can be any scope for citizenship, classically understood, within civil society. This article begins with the conceptual reconstruction of the social organization of civil society. Thereafter, two distinct civil society perspectives—mediating structures and Tocquevillianism—are explored to see how civil individualism and citizenship relate to each. 相似文献
112.
李慧琼 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2007,85(4):24-28
本文用一般分布函数的方法讨论了多维非退化扩散过程样本轨道的分形性质,给出了其象集代数和及图集的Hausdorff维数,并证明了其局部时的存在性. 相似文献
113.
地方政府作为构建社会主义和谐社会的主体,在建设社会主义和谐社会的系统工程中起着主导作用,是构建社会主义和谐社会治国方略的政策执行者、推进者。 相似文献
114.
论法律的安定性 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
贾焕银 《云南大学学报(法学版)》2007,20(1):6-11
法律安定性不仅是法律自身的逻辑自恰性、连续性和体系化,更应该从法律与社会生活的适应关系中去理解。法律须被明确规定、实用而且保持相对不变,否则,法律平等、合目的性将无法实现。在转型社会法律安定性是在应对法律移植与本土资源、法律与方法和法外空间等紧张关系中实现的。 相似文献
115.
差异公民资格与正义:艾利斯·马瑞恩·杨政治哲学探微 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在当代西方女性主义政治哲学中,艾利斯·马瑞恩·杨以其"差异的公民资格"与"差异政治"而独具特色.从对罗尔斯为代表的自由主义普遍公民资格的批判出发,她说明了自由主义普遍公民资格如何忽略或至少是回避了差异及差异群体的权利要求.她以差异的公民资格为切入点,揭示出女性主义政治哲学之差异正义的根本理论诉求,这不仅为女性等差异性群体争取自身权利指明了方向,也试图以另外一种新的视角,即公民资格的理论视角,冲击传统意义上普遍主义的正义理解.在当代多元文化的广阔背景下,差异的公民资格和差异平等的正义观照正越来越成为差异性群体争取自身权利的理论武器,而差异正义的独特理论诉求也正日益成为普遍正义的一种有意义的补充. 相似文献
116.
AMITAI ETZIONI 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(3):353-363
The history, nature and scope of citizen naturalisation tests are briefly examined in this article, as well as their political and social applications. A comparison of tests from the United States, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Germany highlights the ways in which these tests are used as immigration controls rather than as a way to establish preparation for citizenship. The difference in the content of the tests also reveal alternative conceptions of citizenship including authoritarian, liberal and neo-communitarian. 相似文献
117.
The study reported in this paper explores how effective Public Private Partnerships (PPP) have been as critical providers of capital assets within the state education sector in the UK. Specifically, the research investigates the impact on educational provision of the UK government's contentious £43 billion Private Finance Initiative (PFI). The inquiry focuses on 27 English Local Education Authorities (LEAs) currently or recently involved in PFI. The investigation examines the effect of PFI's on LEA decision‐making processes and discusses these authorities assessment of the UK government's current PFI strategy. An evaluation of PFI as a source of sustainable finance is reported as well as recommendations made for LEAs currently considering adoption of PFI. Through such analysis, this study seeks to de‐layer and ascertain the influence of complex external environmental influences and stakeholders that need to be taken into account in order to make PPPs work. The paper concludes by presenting the critical considerations for enhancing the working relationship between private and public sector partners. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
118.
政府执行力是维系一个政府机构生存和发展的决定性力量。提高政府执行力,是加强执政能力建设,推动政府工作落实,实践和落实科学发展观的重要保证。 相似文献
119.
Lakshmi Arya 《Feminist Legal Studies》2006,14(3):293-328
This article speaks of a debate in contemporary India: that surrounding the validity of enacting a civil code that applies
uniformly to all communities and religions in the state. In certain feminist arguments, such a code is seen as possibly providing
a sphere of rights to Indian women that is alternative to the rights – or wrongs – given to them by the plural religious laws,
which form the basis of the civil law in India. India, however, is a heterogeneous polity, encompassing a diversity of cultures
and religions, some dominant and others forming minorities. Given these differences, some critics see the feminist call for
a Uniform Civil Code as an essentialist move that prioritises gender over other agendas and politics. They argue that the
site of the ‚universal’ in this feminist move is a liberal site that inherently excludes marginalised Others and benefits
the dominant subjects in India. In my article, I contest this critique and question whether the site of the universal and
its authorial subject in postcolonial India is, in fact, an exclusionary liberal ruse of power. I draw insights from the history
of the formation of the postcolonial nation-state in India to posit an experience of the state and the universal within it,
which is alternative to the Western liberal model. The aim of this article is, therefore, not so much to debate the in/validity
of a Uniform Civil Code, as to address certain contemporary post-structuralist critiques of the site of the universal in postcolonial
India and posit a departure from them, based on perspectives drawn from history. 相似文献
120.
Patrick Hanafin 《Feminist Legal Studies》2006,14(3):329-352
This article examines how the recently introduced law on assisted reproduction in Italy, which gives symbolic legal recognition
to the embryo, came about, and how a referendum, which would have repealed large sections of it, failed. The occupation of
the legal space by the embryo is the outcome of a crusade by a well-organised alliance of theo-conservatives. These groups
see in reproductive medicine an uncontrolled interference with their notion of the natural order of things. Such a worldview
requires a total ban on stem cell research, limitation of access to reproductive technologies and repressive laws to govern
the area. This conservative dream scenario has come closer to being realised by the introduction of a law doing all of these
things in the name of the protection of “Life”. In the case of this law, the “life” to be protected is the embryo. In the
name of “Life”, scientific advances and individual liberty have been curbed. The politics of embryo citizenship is a politics
which values the yet to come over the here and now, purgation over pleasure, and the transcendent over the material. 相似文献