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171.
ABSTRACTWhy do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than women still vote for the PRR? Can attitudes regarding gender and gender equality explain these differences (if they exist)? These are the questions that Spierings and Zaslove explore in this article. They begin with an analysis of men's and women's voting patterns for PRR parties in seven countries, comparing these results with voting for mainstream (left-wing and right-wing) parties. They then examine the relationship between attitudes and votes for the populist radical right, focusing on economic redistribution, immigration, trust in the European Union, law and order, environmental protection, personal freedom and development, support for gender equality, and homosexuality. They conclude that more men than women do indeed support PRR parties, as many studies have previously demonstrated. However, the difference is often overemphasized in the literature, in part since it is examined in isolation and not compared with voting for (centre-right) mainstream parties. Moreover, the most important reasons that voters support PRR parties seem to be the same for men and for women; both vote for the populist radical right because of their opposition to immigration. In general, there are no consistent cross-country patterns regarding gender attitudes explaining differences between men and women. There are some recurring country-specific findings though. Most notably: first, among women, economic positions seem to matter less; and economically more left-wing (and those with anti-immigrant attitudes) women also vote for the PRR in Belgium, France, Norway and Switzerland; and, second, those who hold authoritarian or nativist views in combination with a strong belief that gays and lesbians should be able to ‘live their lives as they choose’ are disproportionately much more likely to vote for PRR parties in Sweden and Norway. Despite these findings, Spierings and Zaslove argue that the so-called ‘gender gap’ is often overemphasized. In other words, it appears that populist radical-right parties, with respect to sex and gender, are in many ways simply a more radical version of centre-right parties. 相似文献
172.
首都经济圈建设已经上升为国家战略,当前,首都经济圈内经济发展差距还较大,特别是基本医疗、社会保障等基本公共服务水平方面差距明显.首都经济圈建设是区域经济社会全面一体化发展的过程,推进公共服务领域的合作,是首都经济圈一体化发展的重要内容.该文在详细分析首都经济圈内公共服务差距的基础上,提出推动首都经济圈公共服务合作的基本思路和重点任务. 相似文献
173.
The unusual size and persistence of the gender gap in political knowledge is perplexing in comparison to other dimensions of politics. Building on situational explanations of political engagement, this article claims that women’s and men’s specific adult roles lead to an enlargement of the gender gap in knowledge. The present study analyses men and women’s levels of political knowledge at different life stages by means of two unique datasets specifically collected to measure what people know about politics. Findings show that adult roles provide more opportunities for men to gain political knowledge than for women. Furthermore, the comparison of levels of political knowledge in two such dissimilar countries as Finland and Spain suggests that while gender equality policies are successful in tearing down some of the obstacles that hinder women’s contact with the political world, they are still insufficient to completely bridge the gender gap in political knowledge during adulthood. 相似文献
174.
A Watershed in White House Journalism: Explaining the Post-1968 Rise of Aggressive Presidential News
Presidential journalism is known to have grown substantially more aggressive through the 1970s and beyond, but a definitive explanation for this trend remains elusive. Some suggest that events surrounding Vietnam and Watergate transformed the professional norms of journalism. However, the trend could also be a more superficial and transitory response to other circumstantial factors that converged in the same time period, such as president-level characteristics (the prevalence of Republicans, Washington outsiders, and more vigorous news management efforts), the political environment (the rise of official discord), and the economic environment (a downturn in the business cycle). This study disentangles these various factors and assesses their relative success in explaining trends in journalistic conduct in the postwar era. Data are drawn from a large sample of presidential news conferences from 1953 through 2000, focusing on the aggressiveness of journalists' questions. The results strongly support the normative shift hypothesis, although economic factors have also been consequential. These results suggest a punctuated equilibrium model of journalistic change in relations between the White House press corps and the presidency. 相似文献
175.
Jonathan Zimmerman 《The History of the Family》2013,18(1):31-47
The article uses love letters to re-analyze current notions about men and romantic love in the 1950s. Examining advice literature as well as evidence from fiction and film, European and American historians generally describe the 1950s as an era of emotional “formalization” or suppression. A newly analyzed set of 300 love letters by over a dozen American men suggests a much more nuanced view. Some of their letters support scholarly accounts of “remasculinization” in the 1950s, displaying a hard-boiled, tough-guy quality to compensate for challenges to men's roles in the workplace and family. Other men, however, openly expressed their passions, fears, and other feelings. Since these letters were written to the author's mother, they also suggest new potentials and opportunities for “personal” research. Given the paucity of love correspondence in postwar archives, professional historians might find personal collections useful evidence to study the character and dilemmas of modern romance. 相似文献
176.
Victoria V Semenova 《The History of the Family》2013,18(2):259-280
The author discusses the problem of continuity and discontinuity over three generations of a Russian family while describing cultural change in everyday practice during a long historical period. The issue of cultural transmission is investigated because the couples' lineages belonged to conflicting cultural worlds representing two ideologically alien discourses during the Soviet times. While analyzing these two cultural worlds as systems and the conflict between them, the author seeks to answer the question on why both cultural models were rejected by the next generation. What was the character and mechanism of transmission in this case? What are the consequences of cultural conflict for the future of the family itself and for the wider social context in the future cultural discourse in Russia? 相似文献
177.
The lack of an overall gender gap in British voting behaviour hides considerable gender gaps within birth cohorts. This is not due to a gradual realignment of the gender gap related to modernisation, but instead to a gendered process of government socialisation. Men are especially supportive of the party that was in power during their formative years, particularly if it was in power for a sustained period of time. This is not consistently the case for women, and this gender difference produces political generations not only characterised by higher support for the party in power during their youth but also by gender gaps in voting behaviour. 相似文献
178.
Sarah Carmichael 《The History of the Family》2011,16(4):416
This paper examines age at first marriage for women and spousal age gap as an indicator for female agency from 1950 to 2005. Using a dataset of 77 LDCs this paper seeks to explore which variables determine differences at a country level in marriage patterns. We look at the influence of urbanisation, education, percentage population of Muslim faith, and family type. We find that education is a key in determining at what age women marry, having as would be expected a positive effect on age at first marriage and depressing spousal age gap. Urbanisation is significant, with a positive effect on age and negative on spousal age gap, although the effect is not very large. The percentage Muslim variable depresses female age at first marriage and increases spousal age gap but only when family type is not controlled for. The initially strong negative effect of percentage population Muslim over the period under consideration on age of first marriage has decreased, which raises some interesting questions about the role of Islam in female empowerment. 相似文献
179.
王梅清 《陕西行政学院学报》2011,(3):53-55
城乡教育差距不断拉大的现实,一直受到社会的广泛关注,引发了人们对其原因的诸多思考。中国社会长期存在的二元结构是导致城乡教育不公平的根源,而城乡间教育资源的配置、文化认知与氛围、教育政策的制定等,构成了影响城乡教育差距的因素。 相似文献
180.