Forming Political Culture and Marketing Strategies in a Central-European Setting

ABSTRACT

Having analyzed the different strategies used in the 1998 and 2002 parliamentary election campaigns with reference to the 1990 and 1994 campaigns, we can conclude that the Hungarian election conventions and culture are still in a state of experimentation and exploration. In contrast with American election traditions, in Hungary, not the individual (with the exception of the Alliance of Young Democrats), but the party image is what counts, though, in this respect, considerable changes could be observed during the last few years. The Hungarian political palette is much too fragmented, and this sets a barrier to the necessary desire for creating a suitable forum for the debate of the party leaders and for the declaration of party politics. At present, the party programme reaches the citizens just in implicit, hidden, often symbolic forms of messages.

While the symbols of the left-wing parties were sketchy, unskillful, too rational, and not giving much space for emotional influence, the right-wing parties gave too large of a dose of different symbols, which were emotional rather than rational. This lack of balance made the campaigns superficial, irrational, sometimes misleading, and abnormal. This feeling of abnormality was strengthened by the fact that the overdose on the part of the right wing was not limited to the campaign period, but the emotional shocking started much earlier. The state of excitement, which was spread in time, actually started in the spring of 1998, and even if there were fluctuations, the general mood of the last four years was characterised by the dug-out hatchet. The political opinion of the Orbán party was clearly expressed by their metaphors. The message of the sentences like 'it is more than change of government, less than change of regime,' 'attacking on the whole field,' 'we change the telephone directories,' etc., was unambiguous: combative four years are coming. During their campaign, 'setting up a record' was realized between the two rounds after the failure in the first round and was still going on showing the election failure, which came about in democratic circumstances (Galló Béla, 2002, 93).

One could hardly judge the effectiveness of agenda building, though some of the crucial social questions appeared as cue words and sentences in the mediated messages of parties (for example, family, health care, education, joining the European Union). Hungarian campaigning, compared to the American presidential election campaign, is colorless and rife with technical and rhetorical errors, and it is a competition without any coherence where the citizen is very often just a means of, but not the goal in, the struggle of the parties.     

规章制定程序概念的评析与重构

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略论社会主义新农村建设中主体作用的发挥

农村劳动者是新农村建设的主体,实现新农村建设预定目标的关键在于主体参与的积极性和自觉性。只有建立起能够激励广大农民建设新农村的积极性的有效机制,才能激发起亿万农村劳动者建设家园的热情,并积极自觉地参与到新农村建设中。     

利用足迹特征分析身高时应注意的问题

利用足迹进行遗留足迹人的身高分析是一项经常使用的足迹检验技术,本文针对不同的身高分析方法,探讨在这些方法的使用过程中应注意的一些问题,以期提高利用足迹进行身高分析的准确率,充分发挥这一检验技术在侦查工作中的作用。     

中国司法改革主体审视

司法改革离不开具体主体的运作。我国司法改革已进行多年,但对于改革的主体至今没有明确规定。实践中,党的机构及司法机关既是司法改革的主持者,又是司法改革的实际操作者的做法,在逻辑上不尽合理,一定程度上影响了司法改革的进程。因此,从理论与实践的结合上,对司法改革的领导者、主持者、参与者、实施者进行探讨,对确保司法改革的顺利进行,具有十分重要的意义。     

对竞争性领域国有经济战略退出的理论思考

加入WTO和党的“十六”大的胜利召开，为国有经济的战略性调整提供了新的背景。在国有经济退出竞争性领域的过程中，应把握有利的时机，确定合理的退出程度，选择恰当的退出方式，加快国有经济退出的步伐。     

女性人体审美变迁探析

艺术及现实中的女性人体都包含复杂的文化因素,透过不同时期的中国女性人体审美发现,女性美的塑造和评价既有平等的审视和讴歌,又有不同程度的男权话语和男性主义观点。因此,只有用性别视角对女性人体美、女性审美等相关概念进行界定,对历史成因及问题加以分析和反思,才能确立健康、自然、文明、合度的女性人体关和人体审美概念。     

《易传》与中国古典美学

《易传》是对中华古典文化产生了深远影响的经典文本。其对中国古典美学之影响最著者有四:“依天立人”的中道天人观为古代中国人提供了安身立命的精神家园,奠定了古典审美天人相融的基本主题;“立象以尽意”命题转化为意象审美范畴后,揭示了人类审美活动的感性思维方式;“阴阳”范畴启发了古典艺术形而上的追求和形而下的辩证的艺术创造智慧;刚健宽厚的君子人格追求代表了中华人格自我砥砺的生活审美传统。     

沉默与反抗：关于身体的社会建构

在以往的西方社会思想史上,身体并没有作为一个明确的主题被提出来,它似乎被人们长久地遗忘了。在历经沉默的漫漫长夜之后,身体终于发出了自己的声音:它要打破这种沉默状态!本文试图从社会学的视角出发,逐一探讨身体的多重属性,对身体的认同、规训,身体消费,身体体现和规划等几个方面的问题,从而揭示身体反抗压抑和异化的历史状态。     

试论社会秩序与主体解放和社会发展

秩序是社会有机体存在和发展的必要条件和前提。社会有机体的稳定、发展,正是表现为社会秩序的稳定、更新与发展。秩序是人类生存的基础,也是主体解放的条件,秩序在社会发展过程中得到更新和完善,人能够适应历史的发展要求不断改变秩序。本文重点探讨了社会秩序与人的主体解放及社会发展的辨证关系,以期引起人们对这方面问题的思考,纠正一些人在认识上的误区,反驳西方对我国人权问题的攻击。