江西省近年中学生刑事犯罪的现状及特点

从近几年数据统计与调查结果来看,江西省中学生刑事犯罪呈恶化趋势,犯罪总数逐年上升,且在未成年人犯罪中所占比例也逐年上升。在违法犯罪主体构成方面,呈现出犯罪年龄下降,由高中生转向初中生的趋势;在犯罪类型方面,涉财案件多,其中以盗窃、抢劫案件最为突出;在犯罪组织形式方面,表现为团伙斗殴现象严重突出,带黑社会性质的帮派侵入校园,帮派团伙活动呈蔓延趋势;从违法犯罪手段上看表现为作案手段多样化、智能化;在犯罪的危害程度方面,中学生实施的暴力犯罪日趋突出,危害结果严重。     

IT职业技术培训课程的教学策略分析与应用

传统的教学策略对学习者实际应用能力和自我学习能力的培养重视不足,对实践的认识及其地位的认识无法适应IT职业技术培训课程注重应用和更新迅速的特点.本文针对各类IT职业技术培训课程的共同特点,通过对比传统的教学模式,分析了该类课程的教学策略以及策略的应用.通过在课程中对这些策略进行应用,可以有效地加强学习的效果,并使学生易于将所学知识有效地运用于工程实践.     

韩国政治转型与中产阶级的作用

在韩国政治转型过程中,中产阶级的政治文化实现了从臣民政治文化向臣民——参与者政治文化的转型。韩国中产阶级突出的特征是具有变革与保守的双重性,既是民主政治改革的推动者,也是权威政治的维护力量。在韩国由权威政治走向民主政治的过程中,中产阶级造就了公民社会与国家的分离互动发展,形成多元政治自主权对国家权利的分割与制衡。由此给我们的启示是,迅速成长的中产阶级在后发型国家实现民主法治过程中成为不可抗拒的历史洪流。     

新时代中小学民族团结教育的三个理论维度

民族团结是各族人民的生命线。中小学民族团结教育既是教育学意义上的知识传授,更是政治学意义上的共同体构建。文章基于民族政治学的理论视角,提出新时代中小学民族团结教育的三个理论维度:一是国家与社会关系层面的国民教育;二是自我与他者关系层面的启蒙教育;三是传统与现代关系层面的素质教育。由此出发,培育爱国主义的情结,播种多元一体的种子,提高适应变革的能力,民族团结教育才会是成功的。     

Anxiety Trajectories and Identity Development in Adolescence: A Five-wave Longitudinal Study

The aim of this five-wave longitudinal study was to investigate the relationship between anxiety and adolescent identity development. Participants were 1,313 adolescents who annually completed measures of anxiety and identity. Growth Mixture Modeling (GMM) analyses demonstrated that the adolescent population was best typified by two latent growth trajectory classes: a low anxiety class (n = 1,199) characterized by a low initial level of anxiety that decreased over time and a high anxiety class (n = 114) characterized by a higher initial level of anxiety that increased over time. To answer our research question, we tested a model in which the anxiety classes predicted initial levels and rates of change of three identity dimensions: commitment, in-depth exploration, and reconsideration of commitment. Findings indicated that the high anxiety adolescents displayed a more troublesome identity development than their low anxiety peers, since their commitments became weaker with age, and they reconsidered them intensively.

中世纪商人法继受罗马法探因

中世纪商人法的出现是中世纪城市经济发展的产物,而罗马商法则是古罗马高度繁荣的奴隶制经济发展的必然结果.由于商品经济发展的相似性、地理位置的接近、帝国永续理论的巨大威力以及罗马法学的繁荣等原因,中世纪的商人法明显地体现出对罗马商法的继受.分析中世纪商人法对古罗马商法继受的原因,从中可以看到法律发展过程中的相承关系.     

Does China’s middle class prefer (liberal) democracy?

Many surveys show that China’s political regime, under the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rules, enjoys a high level of public support. However, it is still uncertain whether China’s emerging middle class will become the “agent of democratization” as suggested by modernization theory. Using the data of Asian Barometer Survey conducted in China in 2011, this article demonstrates that the relationship between class identity and preference for liberal democracy in China may be inverted U-shaped. The Chinese middle class shows a higher preference to features of liberal democratic regimes than its counterparts of the lower- and upper-class. Members of the Chinese middle class also tend to regard democracy as the best form of government. Thus, the middle class has the potential to initiate democratization in China if the Chinese government fails to keep satisfying the middle class’ quest for economic well-being and protection of property rights.     

19世纪英国中产阶级性别角色分工观念探析

19世纪英国中产阶级的性别角色分工观念主要包括"两分领域"和"家庭天使"观,其形成有深刻的社会背景,对当时男性气质和女性气质的塑造、社会结构和社会关系有重要影响。     

论中等收入群体发育的社会条件

我国当前中等收入群体发育的社会条件主要有：产业结构的变迁是中等收入群体发育的社会结构基础;以市场为取向的改革是中等收入群体发育的社会内在机理;现代教育,尤其是现代高等教育的发展是中等收入群体发育的直接“引擎”。     

Does China’s middle class think and act democratically? Attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward urban self-government

In the West, the middle class has been considered a potent agent of the sociopolitical transition toward democracy and the cornerstone of democratic rule. Does a middle class in China think and act democratically and hence serve as the harbinger of democratic change in that country? This study attempts to answer this critical question by examining the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of middle-class individuals toward grassroots self-government in urban China. It is based on data collected from a representative-sample survey conducted in Beijing. The findings indicate that China’s middle class expects grassroots self-government to be formed in a democratic way; yet the middle class is critical of the currently-implemented self-government system because it is not organized as democratically as they expect, and therefore the middle class is less likely to participate in the system. These findings have significant implications for the role of the Chinese middle class in the democratization of China.