电子证据的相关问题

在美国，使用电子证据已经成为法庭上非常普遍的现象。陪审团审案时，试图使用电子证据的检察官要想使得初审法官采纳该电子证据必须克服一些阻碍。一些证据标准被设计来限制陪审团的事实发现过程。检察官可要求法院启动庭前审理程序来决定电子证据是否可以被采纳。建立一个电子证据保管链和专门处理电子证据的既定机构程序是检方工作的关键环节，这样能确保法庭调查中获得陪审团的信任。挑选能认同电子证据重要性的人员担任陪审团成员非常重要，同时还要避免选择那些想要根据自己专业知识来主导陪审团决议的人员。     

Crime,time, and punishment: An exploration of selection bias in sentencing research

The sentencing decision reflects the culmination of a long series of processing and, thus, selection decisions, with cases leaving the system at each decision point. Accordingly, the substantive implications of bias due to sample selection are of particular concern for sentencing research. In an effort to assess the existence and manifestations of selection bias, the sentencing decision is modeled for three samples, each of which was selected from different stages of the justice process. Event-history data on felony arrests in the State of California over a 3-year period are used, along with a relatively simple analytic technique which reduces such bias. Results indicate that biasis introduced when censored observations are excluded from the analyses. Also, the effects of certain exogenous variables on sentence length differ, depending upon the selection criteria. Of these, the influence of pleading guilty rather than going to trial is especially interesting. Overall, our findings are consistent with the possibility that selectivity bias has concealed effects of sentence bargaining in some earlier studies.The data utilized in this study were collected and made available by the State of California Department of Justice, Bureau of Criminal Statistics. The Department of Justice bears no responsibility for the analyses or interpretations presented here.     

制度视域中单位的性别选择机制

利用理性选择制度主义的视角,分析单位在人才招聘中选择行为的生成机制,可以得出招聘中男性偏好现象的形成是由于组织认知定型化和正式制度虚置化所致。组织认知定型化是由非正式制度即传统性别文化塑造而成的,而正式制度虚置化则归因于非正式制度和正式制度的不相容、正式制度的实施机制无效。如果要改变单位的选择行为,就要强化正式制度的实施机制。     

荀子组织理论与现代管理

荀子的组织理论代表了战国末期儒家组织管理理论的最高水平。当我们从现代组织理论的视角去解读荀子组织理论时,会发现它是超越性与局限性的矛盾综合体。本文拟从定职不定员的等级制,弱君强相的礼法之治,夺人之心的组织发展观三方面,对荀子的组织理论加以梳理,以期为现代管理者吸收中国传统管理智慧提供借鉴。     

关于警察体育科研选题的思考

警察体育科研选题存在许多不足,诸如:题目过大或过小,描述性课题多、因果性和预测性课题少,单一性课题多、综合性课题少等.为了提高警察体育科研的水平,选题也要突出科学研究的特点.     

论李大钊文化选择的开放性

从对中国传统文化的批判与继承到对西方文化的批判与吸收、从主张中西文化的融合创新到选择马克思主义这一否定的过程,说明了李大钊坚持文化选择的开放性的重要意义,并且从中勾勒出他对未来中国文化设计的框架原则。     

Pretend It Doesn'T Work: The ‘Anti-Social’ Bias In The Maryland Scientific Methods Scale

The social constructs and methodological principles embodied in the Maryland Scientific Methods Scale (SMS), comprising part of the Campbell Collaboration in Crime and Justice assessment protocol, induce a series of biases in the evaluation of evidence of crime prevention policy interventions that focus on collective social phenomena, such as communities. Applying these principles leads to negative conclusions about effectiveness; yet their inherent ‘anti-social’ bias may induce Type II error with regard to the desirability of ‘social’ interventions to reduce crime. Policy-making is poorly served as a result. This point is illustrated, first, through a scrutiny of the social constructs used, including those that typify treatments, institutional settings and units of analysis. These are seen as being constructed in a way that is congenial to the underlying methodological issue of ‘control’ but that constitute nevertheless a distorted definition of the governance issues involved in crime reduction in community settings. A model more appropriate for evaluating voluntaristic action in civil society is needed. Second, it is suggested that this methodological bias arises particularly in policy interventions and change programmes that address issues concerning the ‘collective efficacy’ of local communities in reducing crime. An empirical exemplification of these arguments is presented with reference to a completed evaluation research study (Foster and Hope, 1993).     

试论外商投资在江苏的区位选择

改革开放以来，大量外资涌入江苏，对江苏的经济发展起到了巨大的推动作用。外商投资在江苏具有发展势头良好、涉及的产业领域不断扩大、母国来源日益广泛、投资形式趋于多样化等特征。从区位指向来看，长江三角洲开放地区和沿海开放城市是吸收外资最多的地区，这些地区优越的地理位置、良好的投资环境、较高的经济社会发展水平及较高的开放 程度是吸引外商投资的重要条件。此外，外商在江苏投资的区位选择还具有母国产业优势与地区主导产业发展相一致的特点。     

Pathways to power: Women's representation in the 2014 European Parliament elections

The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections produced a record proportion of women MEPs overall (37 per cent). Yet, these results vary widely across countries and parties. This article aims to explain these variations, evaluating not only who the elected representatives of the 8^th EP are, but also how they got there. Are the paths to the EP the same for women and men? Are there gender differences in terms of MEPs’ political experience? A unique dataset listing more than 700 elected MEPs and their background, party and country characteristics is used to empirically examine who makes it to the EP and through which route. The results of the analysis suggest no significant gender differences in the pathways to the EP. Yet, parties matter: more women were elected to the 8^th EP from left‐wing than from right‐wing or ‘new’ parties, and both men and (especially) women representing right‐wing parties tend to be politically more experienced than their fellow MEPs from other types of parties. Furthermore, it is found that men are more likely than women to be promoted straight from party office to the EP, suggesting that some pathways to the EP are less open to women than others.     

The electoral connection of ministerial selection in the UK

Many studies have examined the determinants of ministerial selection. However, the effect of electoral incentives on government post allocation has so far not been studied in the literature. Drawing on data from the United Kingdom over the period 1992–2015, this article investigates the relationship between the selection of ministers and the electoral interests of the actors in this selection process – party leaders and members of parliament (MPs). The findings demonstrate that the greater the electoral safety of constituencies, the more likely are MPs to have a higher office. The results reveal a broader conception of party strategy in government formation than previously documented. The paper thus suggests that electorates can affect the allocation of ministerial positions in the UK.