市场选择下人际沟通对大学生就业的影响研究

随着大学生就业制度从“分配制”到“双选制”的变化,大学生就业出现结构性的“就业难”现象,很多大学毕业生无法在市场选择下实现就业。要改变这一不利局面,一个重要的方法就是加强大学毕业生的就业人际沟通,使大学毕业生能够自觉地实现有效就业人际沟通,避免无效就业人际沟通,最终顺利实现就业。     

中国特色社会主义道路是实现中国梦的必由之路

中国特色社会主义道路是中国人民的历史选择,是实现中国梦的必由之路。我们必须历史地看待坚持中国特色社会主义道路对实现中国梦的重大意义,明确实现中国梦必须坚持中国特色社会主义道路,理直气壮地反对改革开放中出现的或"左"或"右"两种错误思潮,坚定走中国特色社会主义道路的决心和信心。     

选课制度下提高《中国近现代史纲要》教学效果的几点思考

在选课制条件下,《中国近现代史纲要》课程的教学,出现了教学对象的多样性和因材施教的矛盾,大班化教学和开展课堂双向互动的矛盾,教学对象的分散性与实践教学的开展之间的矛盾,从而影响了教学质量的提高。对此,一方面应从教学管理的角度,在学生来源和班级规模上,对选课进行预先的干预,另一方面,则应从课程设置的角度,对实践教学进行统筹安排,以期提高该课程的教学效果。     

Elections as instruments for punishing bad representatives and selecting good ones

Many theories of democracy point out that voters make their choices based on two goals: the retrospective assessment of incumbents and the prospective choice between incumbents and challengers. Do voters react to malfeasance on the part of their elected representatives? If they abandon corrupt incumbents, are they able to select more virtuous replacements? In this paper, we assess the effects of corruption on voter loyalty and, conversely, of voter defection on subsequent malfeasance. We examine these relationships with data drawn from 169 elections across 72 countries. Our results show that malfeasance does indeed provoke voter defection, but that electoral volatility is not followed by lower levels of perceived corruption. We conclude by discussing the appropriate interpretation of our results, the future research they suggest, and their meaning for related, emerging literatures.     

The impact of candidate selection rules and electoral vulnerability on legislative behaviour in comparative perspective

Legislators are political actors whose main goal is to get re-elected. They use their legislative repertoire to help them cater to the interests of their principals. It is argued in this article that we need to move beyond treating electoral systems as monolithic entities, as if all legislators operating under the same set of macro-rules shared the same set of incentives. Rather, we need to account for within-system variation – namely, candidate selection rules and individual electoral vulnerability. Using a most different systems design, Germany, Ireland and Portugal are leveraged with both cross-system and within-system variation. An original dataset of 345,000 parliamentary questions is used. Findings show that candidate selection rules blur canonical electoral system boundaries. Electoral vulnerability has a similar effect in closed-list and mixed systems, but not in preferential voting settings.     

Study on the Problems and Countermeasures of Public Rental Housing Fraud: Based on Signal Transmission Model

The information asymmetry between the government and the housing security object would lead to adverse selection, opportunism and moral hazard during the rental process of public rental housing. Based on the review of China’s public rental housing policy implementation and effect, and combing the relevant literature about public rental housing fraud, we constructed the signal transfer model suitable for the explanation of the behavior of China’s public housing fraud, and focused on the explanatory variable of social service time. The theoretical analysis shows that social service time can be used as an explanatory variable to reveal the separation equilibrium and pooling equilibrium of various income groups under different social service times. Finally, we took the public rental housing community of Lanqiao Jingyuan in Hangzhou as an example to make a case analysis, the results confirmed the operability of the model, and indicated that social service time as the signal is helpful for the reaching the ideal state of equilibrium of different income groups.     

Hung Parliaments and the Need for Clearer Rules of Government Formation

The general elections of 2017 and 2010 produced hung parliaments in which no single party could command an overall majority; in May 2015 the UK only narrowly avoided that outcome. When a parliament is hung, more than one potential government can be viable, and the constitutional rules that determine who has the first right to form the government can thus have a decisive influence on which government forms. In the past, the UK has applied several potentially contradictory rules (based on conventions and principles), which do not all follow an equally democratic logic. This status quo is problematic because it can generate political controversy and uncertainty, in addition to jeopardising the Monarch's role in the government formation process. A reform that enables parliament to elect the leader who will be tasked with the formation of the next government would resolve these problems and provide constitutional clarity.     

Grammar Schools,a Policy of Social Mobility and Selection—Why?

Initially, four plausible reasons for introducing selection in secondary education are examined, three of which are irrelevant to contemporary debates about expanding grammar‐school education. These are: first, to ration education in less advanced economies; second, to increase the supply of skilled labour within an expanded national elite; third, as part of a ‘segmented’ system of education. A fourth—increasing upward social mobility—is open to two objections: first, the May government's proposals are so limited as to have little likely impact on mobility and, second, upward mobility in the twentieth century was possible only because of structural change in the British labour market, and that will probably not continue in this century. Finally, it is argued that attempts to select the ‘best’ in any activity or skill are necessarily highly imperfect, and are far less accurate than testing who does and does not meet some minimum level of competence.     

空间正义视角下的邻避设施选址影响因素研究——基于24个案例的多值集定性比较分析

我国对邻避设施选址冲突的研究,主要聚焦公民权利、邻避过程、风险认知、补偿机制等某类因素探讨,基于空间正义视角的设施选址影响因素组合研究比较匮乏.从空间正义理论中提炼条件变量,运用多值集定性比较分析方法,对24个邻避设施选址案例开展研究发现,单因素变量均不足以单独促成邻避设施选址的公众态度;补偿机制并非在所有类型的邻避空...     

US Women Federal Court Judges Appointed by President Carter

There is considerable disagreement as to whether any gender differences on the bench are symbolic, substantive, or both. This paper, based on never-before published surveys and personal interviews conducted in the early 1980s, contributes to that discussion by describing what women appointed to the federal bench by President Carter between 1976 and 1980 had to say about gender differences in their first years in office. I conclude that these early experiences and comments by women on the bench are still relevant today and presage much of the research on judicial gender which has followed.